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THE CAMPAIGN 



LIEUT. GEN JOHN BURGOYNE, 



THE EXPEDITION 



ilteut. Col.Barrp t>t» ULeger* 



WILLIAM L^ STONE, 

Author of the Life and Times of Sir William Johnson Bart.^ Life and Writings of Col, 

Wm. L. Stone, Reminiscences of Saratoga and Ballston^ Translater of the Memoirs 

and Military Journals of Mrs. and Major General Riedesel, Sfc., &c. 



CATHOLIC U 



yilRic 




ALBANY, N. Y. : 
JOEL MUNSELL 

1877. 



HON. WILLIAM J. BACON 

OF 

UTICA, N. Y., 

THIS VOLUME IS 
AFFECTIONATELY INSCRIBED 

BY HIS FRIEND, 

THE AUTHOR. 



Digitized by tine Internet Archive 
in 2010 witii funding from 
The Library of Congress 



http://www.archive.org/details/campaignoflieutg01ston 



PART I. 

THE 

CAMPAIGN OF LIEUT. GENERAL 

JOHN BURGOYNE. 



INTRODUCTORY. 



iNlNE miles east of Saratoga Springs, and 
nearly midway between the villages of Schuyler- 
ville and Stillwater, is the site of the Battle of 
Saratoga or Bemis's heights.' It is only within 
a comparatively short period that the historian 
has been enabled to write of that event with 
clearness and accuracy. While authentic ma- 
terials on the American side are abundant, loose 
and hurried reports of prisoners taken at the 
time, and the biased testimony of interested 
parties, have formed, in a large measure, the 
basis for a narration of the strategic movements 
of the English and German troops. Fortu- 
nately, these impediments are now removed. 

There have recently appeared in Germany, 
two works of surpassing value, viz: a history 
of the German Auxiliary Forces in the War of 
North American Independence^ and the Memoirs 
and Military Journals of Major General RiedeseL'^ 

^ These heights were thus named- from a man by the name of Bemis, 
who kept at this time the only tavern of any note on the river road 
between Albany and Fort Edward. 

2 Both of these works have been translated into English. The transla- 
tion of The Memoirs of General Riedesel has already been published, by J. 
Munsell, but that of The Auxiliaries in America is still in MS., and in the 
possession of Mr. T. W. Fields, of Brooklyn, N. Y. 



8 Introductory, 

These works, which are made up of scJme sixty 
manuscript journals and orderly books, written 
during the Revolution by Brunswick and Hes- 
sian officers, who served here during that time, 
throw a flood of light upon the period of our 
national history to which they refer, and especi- 
ally upon the campaign of General Burgoyne ; 
and while the evidence there presented dissipates 
in a great measure, the halo which remoteness 
has thrown around the great generals of that 
period — blinding us to their deficiencies — yet 
the errors that have hitherto obtained concern- 
ing that campaign are of such a serious nature, 
as to justify an attempt to place before American 
readers the plain truth in relation to an event, 
which in its results was the most important of 
any in our Revolutionary annals. 

In Appendix No. XIX. will be found a list of 
authorities con-suited in the preparation of this 
work. Many of them, for this purpose, are 
intrinsically valueless, but, nevertheless, have 
been given for the benefit of the investigating 
reader. 

William L. Stone. 

Saratoga Springs, Sept, ist, 1877. 



CONTENTS. 

Part I. The Campaign of Lieut. Gen. John Burgoyne, - - - 5 

Part II. The Expedition of Lieut. CoL Barry St. Leger, - - - 137 

Appendices. 

No. I. Anecdotes of Burgoyne's Campaign, personal reminiscences, etc., 

by the late Charles Neilson, -------- 225 

No. II. Force employed under Lieutenant General Burgoyne in the 

Campaign of 1777, ---------- 275 

No, III. Instructions for Lieutenant Colonel Baum, on a secret expedition 

to the Connecticut river. — Narrative of a Participator in the 

Battle of Bennington. — Description of St. Luke's Bridge. — 

Letter from E. W. B. Canning about Bennington, - 277 

No. IV. The Jane McCrea Tragedy, -------- 302 

No. V. A Visit to the Battle Ground in 1827, - - - - - 314 

No. VI. Eraser's Remains — probable Origin of the Tradition of their 
having been removed, --------- 328 

No. VII. Lady Ackland, ------------ 331 

No. VIII. Statement by Sergeant Lamb of the Royal Welsh Fusileers in 

regard to the Burning of General Schuyler's House and Barns. 

Correspondence between Gates and Burgoyne, - - - 333 

No. IX. Sketch of Fort Edward, --------- 338 

No. X. Fight at Diamond Island, --------- 346 

No. XI. Alexander Bryan, the Scout, -------- 353 

No. XII. Sketch of Charles de Langla'de, and his relations with Bur- 
goyne, ------------- 358 

No. XIII. Letter of General Ebenezer Mattoon, a participator in the Bat- 
tle, with notes by the Author. — Letter from the Due de la 
Rochefoucauld-Liancourt, --------368 

No. XIV. Professor Silliman's Visit to the Battle Ground in 1820, with 
notes by the Author, ---------- 384 



1 o Contents. 

No. XV. Sergeant Lamb's Account of his Journey through the woods 
from Fort Miller to Ticonderoga, to expedite supplies for 
Burgoyne's Army, ---------- 406 

No. XVI. The Ballads of Burgoyne's Campaign, ----- 413 

No. XVII. Description of Ticonderoga and the Forts south of it at the 

Time of their occupation by the Americans in the year 1777. 

From the Military Journal of Maj. Gen. Riedesel, - 434 

No. XVIII. The Saratoga Monument Association, ----- 438 

No. XIX. List of Authorities consulted in the preparation of this 
Work, -- -__-_- 445 



ITINERARY OF GEN. BURGOYNE, 



THE ADVANCE. 



General Burgoyne arrives at Quebec, - - - 6th May, 1777. 
Receives the command of the Army from Gen. 

Carleton, at Quebec, ------- loth " 

Montreal, ----------- 12th " 

Three Rivers, - - - - - - - - - - 15th " — 7th June. 

Fort Chambly, --------- loth June — 14th" 

Isle Au Noix, ----------15th" 

Cumberland Head, -------- 17th — 20th June. 

River Bouquet, ---_-^--- 21st — 28th " 

Crown Point, --------- 29th — 30th " 

Four Mile Point, ---------ist July, 

Ticonderoga, - ---- ist — 6th July. 

Skenesborough (Whitehall), ------ 7th — 23d " 

Fort Anne, -----^--. -- 25th — 28th " 

Pitch-Pine Plains, --------- 29th July. 

Fort Edward, --__-_--- 30th July — 13th Aug. 

Duer's House (Fort Miller), ------ 14th Aug. — loth Sept. 

Batten kil, ---------- nth to 13th Sept. 

Schuyler's House (Saratoga), - ----- 13th — 15th " 

Dovegat, ----------- i6th " 

Sword's House, - - - - - - - - - - 17th — i8th " 

Freeman's House, on the Field of Battle, - 19th " 

Freeman's House, --------- 20th " 

Camp on Freeman's Farm, - ----- 21st Sept. — 7th Oct. 

THE RETREAT. 

Wilbur's Basin, near the Redoubts at the River, 8th Oct. 

Dovegat, ----------- 9th — loth Oct. ' 



1 2 itinerary. 

Saratoga, _-___---__- loth — 17 th Oct. 

Half Moon, ---------- i8th " 

Albany,- ----------- i8th — 20th " 

Worcester, Mass., -------- 4th Nov. 

Marlborough, " _-_-----_ 5th " 

Cambridge, " -_-___--- 7th " 

Embarks for England, ------- 15th April, 1778. 



ERRATA 



On page 33, 4th line from top, for "o« the bridge " read ^^beyond th.& bridge. 
u (( 237 (note), for "ten miles" read "four miles." 
" " 347> 1st line, for "Col. Baum''s'\ read "Col. Bro'wn''s.'''' 



12 

Saratoga, 
Half Mooi 
Albany, - 
Worcester, 
Marlborouj 
Cambridge 
Embarks f 



On page 3: 
« a 2, 
« a 3 



BUEGOTNE'S CAMPAIGK 



I. 

X HE disastrous result of the campaign of General 
Burgoyne is to be ascribed more to his own blunders 
and incompetency than to any special military skill on 
the part of his conqueror. In December, 1776, Bur- 
goyne, dissatisfied with his subordinate position under 
Carleton, concocted with the British ministry a plan for 
the campaign of 1777. A large force under himself was 
to proceed to Albany by way of Lakes Champlain and 
George J while another large body, under Sir Henry 
Clinton, advanced up the Hudson in order to cut ofF 
communication between the northern and southern colo- 
nies, in the expectation that each section being left to 
itself would be subdued with little difficulty. At the 
same time, Colonel Barry St. Leger was to make a 
diversion on the Mohawk river. 

For the accomplishment of the first part of this plan,, 
a powerful force was organized in Canada, the command 
of which was transferred from Sir Guy Carleton — the 
ablest British general, by the way, at that time or 
subsequently in America — and conferred upon General 
Burgoyne — an army which, for thoroughness of disci- 
pline, and completeness of appointment had never been 
2 



iO Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

excelled in America.' The generals, also, who were 
to second him in the expedition were trustworthy and 
able officers. Major General Phillips was not only dis- 
tinguished as an artillery officer, but had given proof 
of exceptional strategical skill ; Major General Riedesel 
had been specially selected for his military experience, 
acquired during a long service, and particularly during 
the seven years' war, where he had enjoyed the entire 
confidence of Prince Ferdinand. The English Brigadiers 
Fraser and Hamilton, and the German ones, Specht, and 
Gall and Lieut. Col. Breymann, had been appointed to 
commands solely on the ground of their professional 
merits. The former had attained a high reputation for 
judgment and cool daring, and was considered one of 
the most promising officers in the army. Colonel King- 
ston, the adjutant general, had served with distinction in 
Burgoyne's horse in Portugal, and Majors Lord Balcarras, 



1 Burgoyne arrived in Quebec on the 6th of May, 1777, and received 
the command of the forces from General Carleton on the loih. General 
Riedesel, hovv^ever, with his Brunswick Contingent, had been in Canada 
for fully a year — during which time, he, with the practical strategy and 
acuteness of observation which always distinguished him, had employed 
that time in drilling his troops to meet the customs of the Americans. 
**Thus," he says in one of his letters, "I perceived that the American rifle- 
•men always shot further than our forces — consequently I made my men 
practice at long range and benind trees that they might at least be enough 
for them." Speaking of the removal of Carleton at this juncture, Riedesel 
•further says : " a great mistake was undoubtedly here made by the British 
ministry. Carleton had, hitherto, worked with energy and success ; he 
knew the army thoroughly, and enjoyed the confidence of the officers and 
men. It was a great risk to remove a man, who was so peculiarly fitted 
for so important a position, without a better cause." 



Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 1 1 

and Ackland, commanding respectively the light infantry 
and grenadiers, were each, in his own way, considered 
officers of high professional attainments and brilliant 
courage.^ 

All things being in readiness, Burgoyne, in the early 
summer of 1777, sailed up Lake Champlain ; and, on 
the 17th of June encamped on the western shore of 
that lake at the falls of the little river Bouquet, now 
Willsborough. At this place he was joined by about 
four hundred Indians, under the Chevalier St. Luc and 
Charles De Langlade,^ whom, in a council and war 
feast called and given specially for the purpose, he ad- 
dressed in a speech designedly couched in their own 



"^ Fonblanque's Life of Burgoyne. For the detailed return of the troops 
(English and German) employed on the expedition (compiled at consider- 
able labor by Mr. Fonblanque), and also for remarks on the question of the 
employment of Germans by the English government, see Appendix No. II. 

^ Thomas Anburey, an oiBcer in the army of General Burgoyne, wrote 
in 1777 from the borders of Lake Champlain: "We are expecting the 
Ottawas. They are led by M. de Saint Luc and M. de Langlade, both 
great partisans of the French cause in the last war j the latter is the person 
ivho, at the head of the tribe ivhich he noiv commands planned and executed 
the defeat of General Braddock.'''' 

Burgoyne, the unfortunate commander of the aforesaid army, expressed 
himself in a no less formal manner, in a letter to Lord George Germain, 
dated Skenesborough, July the eleventh, 1777 : " I am informed," says 
he, " that the Ottawas and other Indian tribes, who are two days' march 
from us, are brave and faithful, and that they practice war and not pillage. 
They are under the orders of a M. Saint Luc, a Canadian of merit, and one 
of the best partisans of the French cause during the last war, and of a M. 
de Langlade, the very man who with these tribes projected and executed 
Braddock's defeat. See Appendix XII, for a further account of Langlade's 
connection with Burgoyne and the latter's relations with his Indian allies. 



12 Campaign of General John Burgoyne, 

figurative language, and intended both to excite their 
ardor in the approaching campaign, and " to inculcate 
those humane principles of civilized warfare which to 
them must have been incomprehensible." On the 30th of 
June, the main army made a still further advance and oc- 
cupied Crown point' (Fort St. Frederick), while General 
Fraser pushed ahead as far as Putnam's creek, three 
miles north of Ticonderoga. In the evening the follow- 
ing orders were given : " The army embarks to-morrow 
to approach the enemy. The services required on this 
expedition are critical and conspicuous. During our 
progress occasions may occur in which nor difficulty, 
nor labor, nor life are to be regarded. This army must 
not retreat." Then, having issued a grandiloquent pro- 
clamation designed to terrify the inhabitants of the sur- 



^ Called Kruyn, or Kroonfunt{ox Scalp point), by the Dutch; and by the 
French, Point a la Chcveleure. The ramparts of this fortress, which are 
still standing, are of wood and earth riveted with solid masonry. They are 
twenty-four feet high, twenty-five thick, and inclose an area of fifteen 
hundred yards square, surrounded by a deep, broad moat, cut into granite. 
There are, also, a double row of stone barracks ; and on the north, a gate 
with a draw-bridge, together with a subterranean or covered passage leading 
from one of the bastions to the bank of the lake. The size and extent of 
these works render their exploration very satisfactory and instructive. The 
promontory which juts out from the farther shore directly opposite Crown 
point and on which Gen. Riedesel was encamped for a day or two, is called 
Chimney point. When Fort Frederick was built, in 1731, a French set- 
tlement of considerable size was begun at this place. During the old French 
war, however, it was destroyed by a party of Mohawk Indians, who burned 
the wood-work of the houses, leaving the stone chimneys standing. For 
many years afterwards these stood, like solitary and grim sentinels, watching 
over the ruins. Hence the name. 



Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 13 

rounding country into submission, Burgoyne prepared 
to invest Ticonderoga. 

Leaving a detachment of one staff officer and two 
hundred men at Crown point for the defence of the 
magazines, the royal army in their bateaux started again 
at five o'clock in the morning of July ist, in two divi- 
sions. The corps of General Phillips was on the west 
and that of General Riedesel on the east side of the lake. 
The Dragoons formed the van of the whole army. The 
fleet advanced as far as Putnam's creek almost within 
cannon shot of the Americans. The right wing of the 
army encamped on the spot recently occupied by the 
brigade of Fraser (that officer having again gone ahead), 
and theleft wing under Riedesel occupied the eastern shore 
opposite the right wing. The corps of General Breymann 
advanced on the same shore as far as the left wing of 
the fleet, from the flag-ship of which, the Royal George, 
the American position could easily be seen. The garri- 
son of Ticonderoga was estimated at from four to five 
thousand men, and consisted of twelve regiments divided 
into four brigades commanded by General St. Clair. 
Its position was covered on the right flank by Fort 
Independence, a star-fort built on a considerable emi- 
nence, on the east shore of Lake Champlain and fortified 
by three successive lines of fortifications. It was se- 
parated by water from Ticonderoga which lay on the 
opposite side and consisted chiefly of the old French 
works. ^ In the lake between the two forts lay four 



^ Ticonderoga (called by the French respectively Fort Vaudreuil — after 
an early Canadian governor — and Fort Carillon) is situated fifteen miles 



1 4 Campaign of General John Burgoyne, 

armed vessels, and both were connected by a bridge. 
In front of this bridge there was a strong iron chain 
hanging across the water, which was intended to break 
the first assault of the British. To the left of Ticon- 
deroga there was another fortification upon a hill covering 
the enemy's left toward the saw-mills on the portage 
between Lake Champlainand Lake George. Ticonde- 
roga was garrisoned by one-half of the American force, 
or two brigades ; the third brigade was at Fort Independ- 
ence, and the fourth was distributed in the entrench- 
ments outside of the fort. This was the position of the 
Americans when General Burgoyne arrived in front of 
Ticonderoga. 

At noon of the 2d of July, Fraser moved forward, 
and taking possession of some high ground which com- 
manded the American line and cut off their communica- 
tion with Lake George, named it Mount Hope, in 



south of Crown point and thirty north of Whitehall. It is formed by a 
sharp angle in the narrow waters of the lake, and an arm of that lake 
stretching to the westward which receives the waters of Lake George at the 
foot of a precipitous fall of some twenty feet. The stream which connects 
these lakes makes a considerable curvature to the west, and in the distance 
of two miles tumbles over successive layers of rocks about 300 feet — the 
difference of the level between the surface of Lake George and that of Lake 
Champlain, furnishing a variety of excellent mill-sites, accessible to the 
navigable waters of Lake George forty miles, and to those of Lake Cham- 
plain and the river Sorel 130 miles. This position was fortified by the 
French long before the war of 1755. ^^ '^ rendered famous by the repulse 
of Abercrombie by Montcalm in 1758 with the loss of 2000 men, although 
he might, by taking possession of Mt. Defiance (Sugar-loaf hill) have 
carried the place without hazarding a man. 



Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 1 5 

anticipation of victory.^ At the same time, Phillips 
moved more to the right and occupied the saw-mills.^ 
Riedesel likewise advanced with Breymann's corps and 
took up a position in front of Fort Independence behind 
the stream, Petite Marie. Meanwhile, unfortunately for 
the Americans, their engineers had overlooked the high 
peak or mountain, called Sugar-loaf hill (Mount Defiance), 
situated south of the bridge on the point of land at the 



^ In the beginning of this skirmish Lord Balcarras, who commanded the 
light-infantry, had his coat and trousers pierced with thirty balls, and 
escaped with a slight wound ; while at the same time, Lieut. Haggit received 
a mortal wound in both eyes by a ball, and Lieut. Douglass of the 29th, 
while being carried wounded off the field, was shot through the heart by a 
sharp-shooter. 

Mount Hope is thus described by Wilkinson : " When the French 
officer [Montcalm] who commanded at Ticonderoga in 1758, heard of 
Abercrombie's approach, he found it necessary to take possession of an ele- 
vated ridge on the direct route to it from the landing at Lake George, which, 
atlessthan half a mile entirely overlooked the works. This ridge is flat on 
the summit and extends westwardly about half a mile to the saw-mills at 
the perpendicular fall at the outlet of Lake George where it terminates in 
still higher ground called Mount Hope. On the south it presents a bold 
declivity washed by the strait, and on the north it declines until it sinks 
into a plain which is extended about one hundred rods to the shore of the 
lake where the bank is ten or twelve feet high." It was here that Aber- 
crombie suffered so disastrous a repulse. 

2 On the approach of Gen. Fraser, the Americans, most unaccountably, 
immediately abandoned all their works in the direction of Lake George, 
setting fire to the block-houses and saw-mills ; and without sally or other 
interruption, permitted the enemy under Maj. Gen. Phillips, to take pos- 
session of the very advantageous post of Mount Hope, which besides com- 
manding their lines in a dangerous degree, totally cut off their communica- 
tion with Lake George. The only excuse for such an early abandonment 
of this important point, was found in the fact that General St. Clair had 
not force enough to man all the defences." — Stone'' s Brant. 



1 6 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

confluence of the waters of Lakes George and Cham- 
plain. Originally it had been supposed and taken for 
granted, that the crest of Sugar-loaf hill was not only inac- 
cessible, but too distant to be of any avail in covering 
the main fortress. This opinion was an error, to which 
the attention of the officers had been called the pre- 
ceding year by Colonel John Trumbull, then adjutant 
general for the Northern department. When Colonel 
Trumbull made the suggestion, he was laughed at by 
the mess; but he soon proved the accuracy of his own 
vision, by throwing a cannon-shot to the summit ; and 
subsequently clambered up to the top, accompanied by 
Colonels Stevens, Wayne and Arnold.^ It was a cri- 
minal neglect, on the part of the Americans, that the 
oversight was not at once corrected, by the construction 
of a work upon that point, which would have com- 
manded the whole post. It was a neglect, however, 
that was soon to cost them dear. While the maneuvers 
of Fraser and Phillips, above described, were executing, 
Lieutenant Twiss made a thorough personal examination 
of Sugar-loaf hill, and reported that the hill " completely 
commanded the works and buildings both at Ticon- 
deroga and Fort Independence ; that it was distant 
about 1400 yards from the former and 1500 from the 
latter ; that the ground might be levelled so as 
to receive cannon ; and that a road to convey them, 
though extremely difficult, might be built in twenty-four 
hours. Accordingly, as soon as darkness had set in, a 



Conversations of the author's father with Col. John Trumbull. 



Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 17 

winding road was cut to its summit, a battery com- 
menced and cannon to serve it transported thither. In 
fact, so expeditiously was the work carried forward 
under Phillips,^ that the garrison of Ticonderoga, on 
awaking the next morning found to their amazement and 
dismay that from the crags seven hundred feet above, 
the British were coolly looking down upon them, watching 
their every movement, and only waiting for the com- 
pletion of their batteries to open fire. In this critical 
situation, St. Clair at once called a council of war, which 
unanimously decided on an immediate evacuation. It 
was also determined that the baggage of the army, with 
such artillery, stores and provisions as the necessity of 
the occasion would admit, should be embarked with a 
strong detachment on board of two hundred bateaux, 
and dispatched under convoy of five armed galleys, up 
the lake to Skenesborough (Whitehall), and that the 
main body of the army should proceed by land, taking 
its route on the road to Castleton in Vermont, which 
was about thirty miles south-east of Ticonderoga, and 
join the boats and galleys at Skenesborough. Absolute 
secrecy was also enjoined. Accordingly, early in the 
evening. Colonel Long, with five armed galleys and six 
hundred men, set out with the sick and v/ounded for 
Skenesborough ; and a few hours later, about two 
o'clock in the morning of July 6th, St. Clair with the 



^ " General Phillips has as expeditiously conveyed cannon to the summit 
of this hill [Mount Defiance], as he brought it up in that memorable battle 
at Minden, where, it is said, such was his anxiousness in expediting the 
artillery, that he split no less than fifteen canes in beating the horses." — 
Anburey\ Letters. 



1 8 Campaign of General John Burgoyne, 

main body of the troops passed over the floating bridge 
in safety, and probably would have effected his retreat 
wholly undiscovered, had not the head-quarters of 
General Roche De Fermoy, who commanded Fort 
Independence, either through accident or treachery, been 
set on fire.^ This unfortunate occurrence threw the 
Americans into disorder, and informed the British of the 
retreat. At early daylight, Riedesel embarked his men 
and took possession of Fort Independence ; at the same 
time that Fraser occupied Ticonderoga. Eighty large 
cannon, five thousand tons of flour, a great quantity of 
meat and provisions, fifteen stands of arms, a large 
amount of ammunition, and two hundred oxen, besides 
baggage and tents, were found in the deserted forts. 

There would seem to have been no necessity for this 
stampede. The camps of the Americans were not sur- 
rounded — on the contrary the road to Vermont was 
still open — and the batteries of the assailants were not 
yet in position. "Great fright and consternation," 
says General Riedesel in his journal, " must have pre- 
vailed in the enemy's camp, otherwise they would have 
taken time to destroy the stores and save something."^ 



^ It is a somewhat singular fact, says General J. Watts De Peyster, that 
generally whenever the Americans were unsuccessful a foreigner was mixed 
up in it. A* little thought on the part of the reader will confirm the truth 
of this observation. 

'^ And yet, St. Clair's retreat was by no means so disorderly as some have 
represented it. Lamb, who was a conscientious and shrewd observer, speak- 
ing of this says : "After the enemy retreated we marched down to the 
works, and were obliged to halt at the bridge of communication which had 
been broken down. In passing the bridge and possessing ourselves of the 



Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 19 

The news of the fall of Ticonderoga was received in 
England with every demonstration of joy. The king 
rushed into the queen's apartment, crying " I have beat 
them, I have beat all the Americans ;" and " Lord George 
Germaine announced the event in parliament as if it had 
been decisive of the campaign and of the fate of the 
colonies." 

II. 

In the retreat from Fort Ticonderoga, Colonel 
Francis succeeded in bringing ofF the rear guard in a 
regular manner. When the troops arri^^ed at Hubbard- 
ton, in Vermont, they were halted for nearly two hours, 
and the rear guard was increased by many who did not 
at first belong to it, but were picked up on the road, 
having been unable to keep up with their regiments. 
The rear guard was here put under the command of 
Col. Seth Warner, with strict orders to follow the army, 
as soon as the whole came up, and to halt a mile and a 
half short of the main body. The army under St. 
Clair, then proceeded to Castleton, about six miles 



works we found four men lying intoxicated with drinking, who had been 
left to fire the guns of a large battery on our approach. Had the men 
obeyed the commands they received, we must have suffered great injury; 
but they were allured by the opportunity of a cask of madeira to forget their 
instructions, and drown their cares in wine. It appeared evident they were 
left for the purpose alluded to, as matches were found lighted, the ground 
was strewed with powder, and the heads of some powder-casks were knocked 
off in order, no doubt, to injure our men on their gaining the works. An 
Indian had like to do some mischief from his curiosity — holding a lighted 
match near one of the guns, it exploded, but being elevated, it discharged 
without harm." 



20 Campaign of General John Burgoyne, 

further — Col. Warner, with the rear guard and the 
stragglers, against the express orders of his commanding 
general, remaining at Hubbardton/ 

The retreat of the Americans from Ticonderoga and 
Mount Independence, was no sooner perceived by the 
British, than Gen. Fraser began an eager pursuit with 
his brigade, Major-General Riedesel being ordered to 
follow with the greater part of his Brunswickers. Fra- 
ser continued the pursuit through the day, and having 
received intelligence that the rear-guard of the American 
army was at no great distance, ordered his men to lie 
that night upon their arms. On the 7th July, at five 
o'clock in the morning, he came up with Colonel Warner, 
who had about one thousand men. The British advanced 
boldly to the attack, and the two bodies formed within 
sixty yards of each other. The conflict was fierce and 
bloody. Colonel Francis fell at the head of his regiment 
while fighting with great gallantry, and after the action, 
was buried by the Brunswick troops.^ Colonel Warner 



^ " Col. Warner was a hardy, valiant soldier, but uneducated and a 
stranger to military discipline 5 his insubordination at Hubbardton, exempli- 
fies the danger and misfortunes which attend the disobedience of military 
commands ; for, if he had obeyed the orders he received, our corps would 
have been united, and as the discipline of the enemy could have availed 
them little in a mountainous country covered with wood, we should infalli- 
bly have dismembered, and probably captured, the flower of the British 
army." — Wilkinsoti's Memoirs. 

2 Speaking of the death of Col. Francis, Lamb says: "The nature of 
hostilities on the American continent acquired a sort of implacable ardor 
and revenge, which happily are a good deal unknown in the prosecution of 
war in general. This remark is justified by the fate of Capt. Shrimpton, 
of the 62,d, after the battle [Hubbardton] just mentioned. Some of our 



Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 1 1 

was so well supported bv his officers and men, that the 
assailants broke and gave way. They soon, however, 
recovered from their disorder, reformed, and charged the 
Americans with the bayonet, who, in turn, began to 
waver. The latter, however, again rallied, and return- 
ing to the charge, the issue of the battle hung in the 
balance, u^hen at this critical juncture General Riedesel 
appeared, with his Brunswickers. He saw at a glance 
that the Americans were moving more and more to the 
right with the evident intention of surrounding Eraser's 
left wing. He therefore resolved to out maneuver them, 
if possible, and gain their rear. Accordingly, he ordered 
a company of yagers to advance to the attack, while 
the rest of the troops were to endeavor to fall upon the 
rear of the Americans. In order, moreover, to make 
them believe that their assailants were stronger than they 
really were, he ordered a band of music to precede the 
yagers. At this moment, an aid arrived with a message 
from Fraser to the effect that he feared his left wing 
would be surrounded. Riedesel sent word back to him 
to keep up courage for that he was, at that very instant, 
about to attack the enemy's right wing. Accord- 
ingly, at the word, Riedesel's yagers, chaunting their 
national hymns, advanced courageously upon the Ame- 
ricans, and were met by a brisk fire from four hundred 



officers stood examining papers taken from the pocket of Col. Francis ore 
the field. As the captain held the papers he leaped and exclaimed that he- 
was badly wounded. The officers heard the whizzing of the ball, and saw 
the smoke of the fire, but failed to find the man who aimed with such 
effect, and who escaped without seizure or even being seen." 
* 



22 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

men. Far, however, from shrinking, the Brunswickers 
pressed on so vigorously that the Americans seeing 
themselves almost surrounded, stopped fighting and 
retreated, leaving behind them twelve pieces of ar- 
tillery. The victory, however, had not been easily won. 
General Fraser acknowledged that he would have been 
in great danger had it not been for Riedesel's timely aid ; 
since if reinforcements had not arrived at the very 
moment they did, his whole corp3 would have been sur- 
rounded and cut off to a man. 

The loss in this action was severe on both sides. 
Colonel Hale, who, on account of illness, had not 
brought his regiment into action, fell in with a small 
party of the British, and, with a number of his men, 
all raw militia, was captured.^ In killed, wounded and 
prisoners, the Americans lost in this action three hundred 
and twenty-four men, and the British, one hundred and 



I Col. Nathan Hale (the grandfather of Hon. Robert S. Hale, M.C. of 
Ellzabethtown, Essex Co., N. Y.), who was in this battle was charged, at 
the time, by personal enemies, not only with cowardice, but also with 
treasonable communication with Burgoyne while a prisoner. The matter 
was thoroughly investigated, and both charges found without a shadow in 
evidence to sustain it. Indeed, I have now before me a certificate in 
Burgoyne's own handwriting (who, although he may not have been a great 
gi;neral, yet certainly was a man of honor), in which he certifies '* on his 
honor as a gentleman and a soldier," that Col. Hale has never communi- 
cated to him any improper information, and further, that no conversation, 
even, has passed between them, "except the ordinary dinner table courtesies 
■between gentlemen," Poor Hale died a prisoner at the age of thirty-seven, 
and never had the opportunity, which he earnestly sought, to vindicate him- 
self by court martial. 



Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 23 

eighty-three — among whom was Maj. Grant, of the 
grenadiers, a most excellent and brave officer. 

While these events were taking place upon the land. 
General Burgoyne was pursuing the enemy upon the 
water. In a few hours he destroyed the boom and 
bridge which had been constructed in front of Ticon- 
deroga, and which had been the work of months to 
complete ; and by a few well directed cannon shots, he 
broke in two the colossal chain upon which so many 
hopes had hung. The passage being cleared, the fleet 
of Burgoyne immediately entered Wood creek, and 
favored by a brisk wind, came up with the American 
flotilla at Skenesborough, in the afternoon. Mean- 
while, three regiments, which had landed at South bay, 
crossed a mountain with great celerity, with the object 
of turning the Americans above Wood creek, and de- 
stroying their works at Skenesborough, thus cutting off 
their retreat to Fort Anne. The Americans, however, 
eluded this stroke by the rapidity of their flight, but in 
the meantime the British frigates having now come up, 
the galleys, already hard pushed by the gun boats, were 
completely overpowered. Two of them surrendered, 
and three were blown up. The Americans now de- 
spaired, and having set fire to their works, mills and 
bateaux, and otherwise destroyed what they were unable 
to burn, the detachment, under Colonel Long, hastily 
retreated by way of Wood creek to Fort Anne. 

Meanwhile, General St. Clair, who had arrived with 
the van-guard at Castleton, in Vermont, upon learn- 
ing of the discomfiture at Hubbardton and the disaster 



24 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

at Skenesborough, and apprehensive that he would be 
interrupted if he proceeded toward Fort Anne, struck 
into the woods, uncertain whether he should repair to 
New England or Fort Edward. Being joined, how- 
ever, two days afterward at Manchester, by the remains 
of the corps of Colonel Warner, he proceeded to Fort 
Edward and united with the force of General Schuyler. 

As soon as Burgoyne had taken possession of Skenes- 
borough, he detached Lieutenant Colonel Hill, with 
the 9th regiment, to Fort Anne, with the view both of 
intercepting such of the enemy as should attempt to re- 
treat to that fort, and of increasing the panic produced 
by the fall of Ticonderoga. This detachment had not 
proceeded many miles through the woods, before it over- 
took some boats laden with baggage, women and invalids 
belonging to the enemy, moving up Wood creek in order 
to escape to Fort Anne. These were at once secured. 
Arriving within a quarter of a mile of the fort. Col. Hill 
learned through an American deserter (in reality a spy) 
that it was strongly garrisoned ; and although he had 
with him five hundred and forty-three veterans, he at 
once halted in a strong position, and sending back a 
messenger to Burgoyne for reinforcements, lay that night 
upon his arms. 

Meanwhile, Colonels Long and Van Rensselaer, who, 
by the direction of Schuyler, with five hundred men — 
many of them convalescents — had taken post at Fort 
Anne, were not persons to await an attack.^ Learning 



^ When Ticonderoga was abandoned by the Americans, Gen. Schuyler 
requested Gen. Washington to send Col. Henry Van Rensselaer to the 



Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 25 

from the spy before mentioned, who had returned, the 
strength of the British, they determined to force an 
eno-ao;ement before Buro-oyne should be able to assist 
Col. Hill. Accordingly, early the following morning 
(July 8th), Lonfi; suddenly issued from the fort and 
attacked the English in front ; while, at the same time, a 
strong column under Van Rensselaer crossed the creek, 
and, takingadvantage of a thick wood, passed nearly round 
the left flank of the British, and, in the language of a 
participator in the action, "poured down upon them like 
a mighty torrent." This, accompanied by a tremendous 



Northern army. The First New York regiment, with a park of brass 
artillery, was at Fort George. To save it was all-important to the Ame- 
rican cause. Col. Van Rensselaer was directed to pick out of the militia 
then at Fort George four hundred volunteers, and stop the British advance 
at a defile near Fort Anne at all hazards, until he could remove the stores, 
etc., from Fort George. How far he executed this order, and the good effect 
it had in rallying a new army, will be found in Burgoyne's Trial, Wilkln- 
sons Memoirs, etc. In this affair he was so grievously wounded, as to 
disqualify him from taking rank in the line, and he became a cripple for 
life. The ball, which entered the upper part of the thigh bone, was ex- 
tracted after his death, quite flat1:ened. 

Whatever prejudice afterward existed against the manor influence, in 
the counties of Albany and Rensselaer, it was fortunate for the American 
cause that it existed, and was exerted with all its energy at the dawn of the 
Revolution, to give impulse to its progress. Whilst some other manors 
held back until after the surrender of Burgoyne, the upper and lower manors 
of the Van Rensselaers struck at once for American freedom 5 and by so 
doing enlisted in its cause all its numerous connections of blood, marriage 
and dependence 5 and this produced a counterpoise to the numerous and 
powerful tory families residing in those frontier counties. The Van 
Rensselaers, in 1776, consisted of eighteen males. During the struggle 
every adult except two old men, and all minors except four boys, bore arms 
at one or more battles, during its progress. 



i6 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

and well directed fire of small arms,^ compelled Col. 
Hill, in order to avoid being completely surrounded, to 
take post on the top of a hill. No sooner, however, had 
he taken up this position, than the Americans reformed 
and attacked it so vigorously, in an engagement which 
lasted for more than two hours, that he must soon have 
surrendered, had not the ammunition of the Americans 
given out — a misfortune, moreover, which was increased 
by the arrival, at this critical time most opportunely for 
the British, of a party of Indians, under Colonel Money, 
who with the war-whoop, dashed in, and forced the Ame- 
ricans, in their turn, to give way. Colonel Long, there- 
upon, not being able to withstand the force of Major 
G'?neral Phillips, who with the 20th regiment consisting 
cf five hundred and twenty men and two pieces of ar- 
tillery, was pressing forward to the assistance of Hill, 
fired the fort, and with the remnants of his spartan band 
fell back on Fort Edward. 

General Phillips, learning upon his arrival, that the 
enemy had retired, immediately marched back to Skenes- 
borough, leaving behind a sergeant and a small guard to 
take care of the wounded.^ On the 13th the Americans 
reoccupied the site of the fort. 



^ Deputy Quartermaster-General Money said that the Americans' fire was 
heavier at Fort Anne than on any other occasion during the campaign, ex- 
cept in the action of the 19th September. 

'^Journal of Occurrences during the late American ivar^ to the year 1783, 
by R. Lamb, sergeant in the Royal Welsh fusileers, Dublin, 1809. Mr. 
Lamb, who is the one referred to in the text as a " participator in the 
action," and who was the sergeant left in charge of the wounded, was 
evidently a man of education and intelligence. He gives a graphic account 
of the action at Fort Anne, and says : 



Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 27 

General Burgoyne, in accordance with his usual policy, 
claimed a victory in this affair, a claim which was not 
justified by the facts. He certainly did not retain pos- 
session of the battlefield ;• and not only does General 
Riedesel state, in his journal, " that the English, after a 
long fight at Fort Anne were forced to retreat," but the 
British abandoned Captain Montgomery — a brother-in- 
law of Lord Townshei.d and a vv^ounded officer of great 
merit — a surgeon and other prisoners, when — in the 
language of Burgoyne in describing this action to Lord 
Germaine — they "changed ground." This scarcely 
reads like a victory. ^ 



" It was a distressing sight to see the wounded men bleeding on the 
ground, and what made it more so, the rain came pouring down like a 
deluge upon us ; and still to add to the distress of the sufferers, there was 
nothing to dress their wounds, as the small medicine box which was filled 
with salve, was left behind with Sergeant Shelly and Captain Montgomery 
at the time of our movement up the hill. The poor fellows earnestly en- 
treated me to tie up their wounds. Immediately I took off my shirt, tore 
it up, and with the help of a soldier's wife (the only woman that was with 
us, and who also kept close by her husband's side during the engagement), 
made some bandages, stopped the bleeding of their wounds, and conveyed 
them in blankets to a small hut about two miles in our rear. . . . Our regi- 
ment now marched back to Skenesborough, leaving me behind to attend to 
the wounded with a small guard for our protection. I was directed that, in 
case I was either surrounded or overpowered by the Americans, to deliver a 
letter, which General Burgoyne gave me, to their commanding officer. 
There I remained seven days with the wounded men, expecting every 
moment to be taken prisoners j but although we heard the enemy cutting 
trees every night during our stay, in order to block up the passages of the 
road and the river, we were never molested." 

^ To enable the reader of the present day to have a clear idea of the 
scene of this action, the following is given from Neihon : " On leaving the 
street of Fort Anne village, there is a bridge over Wood creek, leading to 



28 Campaign of General John Burgoyne, 

Up to the time of Burgoyne's occupying Skenes- 
borough, all had gone well. From that point, however, 
his fortunes began to wane. His true course would have 
been to return to Ticonderoga, and thence up Lake 
George to the fort of that name, whence there was a 
direct road to Fort Edward ; ^ instead of which he de- 
termined to push on to Fort Anne and Fort Edward, a 
course which gave Schuyler ample time to gather the 
yeomanry together, and efiectually oppose his progress. 



its left bank. Immediately beyond the bridge there is a narrow pass, only 
wide enough for a carriage, and cut in a great measure, out of a rocky 
ledge, which terminates here exactly at the creek. This ledge is the 
southern end of a high rocky hill, which converges towards Wood creek, 
and between the two is a narrow tract of level ground, which terminates 
at the pass already mentioned. On this ground the battle took place, and 
the wood on the right bank of the creek, from which the Americans fired 
upon the left flank of the British, is still there, and it was up this rocky 
hill that they retreated and took their stand." 

^ The excuse which Burgoyne gives for not going round by Lake George, 
"that the fort there (Fort George) would have detained him, is not ade- 
quate, for it would have offered no opposition whatever 5 Fort George, as 
Schuyler very truly replied to Washington as a reason for abandoning it at 
this time, "was part of an unfinished bastion of an intended fortification. 
In it was a barrack capable of containing between thirty and fifty men ; 
without ditch, without wall, without cistern, and without any picket to 
prevent an enemy from running over the wall. So small, as not to con- 
tain above one hundred and fifty men, and commanded by ground greatly 
overlooking it, and within point blank shot ; and so situated that five hun- 
dred men may lie between the bastion and the lake, without being seen 
from this extremely defensible fortress." Neither, however, do we give 
credence to the report current at the time that Burgoyne chose the route 
to Fort Anne in order to oblige his friend Major Skene — a large land- 
holder in that region — by giving him the use of his troops to open for him 
a road to the river. Burgoyne, whatever else his faults, was an honorable 
man. He probably simply erred in judgment. 



Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 29 

The country between Fort Anne and Fort Edward, 
a distance of about sixteen miles, was extremely rough 
and savage ; the ground unequal and broken up by nu- 
merous roads and creeks interspersed by wide and deep 
swamps. General Schuyler neglected no means of 
adding by art to tiie difficulties with which nature seemed 
to have purposely jnterdicted this passage. Trenches 
were opened ; the roads and paths obstructed ; large 
rocks thrown into Wood creek, the bridges broken up ; 
and, in the only practicable defiles, immense trees were 
cut in such a manner on both sides of the road, as to 
fall across and lengthwise, which with their branches in- 
terlocked presented an insurmountable barrier. In fact, 
this wilderness, in itself so horrible, was rendered almost 
impenetrable. Burgoyne, consequently, was compelled 
not only to remove all these obstructions, but to build 
more than forty bridges — one particularly, over a morass 
of more than two miles in length. Nor was this all. 
On his arrival at Fort Anne^ instead of advancing at 
once upon Fort Edward and thence to Albany before 
Schuyler had time to concentrate his forces in his front, 
he sent a detachment of Brunswickers, under Colonel 
Baum, to Bennington to surprise and capture some stores 
which he had heard were at that place, and of which he 
stood sorely in need. He was also influenced to this 
step by the advice of his friend Major Skene, who as- 
sured him that large numbers of the yoemanry of the 



^ It was while Burgoyne was at Fort Anne that the accidental shooting 
of Jane McCrea by the garrison of Fort Edward occurred. For a true 
history of this affair see Appendix No. IV. 



30 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

country would flock to his standard — an expectation 
which the event proved to be entirely fallacious. 

General Riedesel, who commanded the German allies, 
was totally opposed to this diversion, but being overruled, 
he proposed that Baum should march in the rear of the 
enemy, by way of Castleton, toward the Connecticut 
river. Had this plan been adopted, the probability is, 
that the Americans would not have had time to prevent 
Baum from falling unawares upon their rear. Burgoyne 
however, against the advice of Riedesel and Phillips, in- 
sisted obstinately on his plan, which was that Baum 
should cross the Batten kil opposite Saratoga, move down 
the Connecticut river in a direct line to Bennington, 
destroy the magazine at that place, and mount the Bruns- 
wick dragoons, who were destined to form part of the 
expedition.^ In this latter order a fatal blunder was com- 
mitted by employing troops, the most awkward and heavy 
in an enterprise where everything depended on the 
greatest celerity of movement, while the rangers who 
were lightly equipped, were left behind ! 

Let us look for a moment at a fully equipped Bruns- 
wick dragoon as he appeared at that time. He wore high 
and heavy jack boots, with large long spurs, stout and stifF 
leather breeches, gauntlets, reaching high up upon his 
arms, and a hat with a huge tuft of ornamental feathers. 
On his side he trailed a tremendous broad sword ; a short 
but clumsy carbine was slung over his shoulder ; and 
down his back like a Chinese mandarin, dangled a long 



^ And yet General Riedesel states that 1500 horses had been purchased 
in Canada as early as the middle of June, for the army. What became of 
them ? 



Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 3 1 

queue. Such were the troops sent out by the British 
general, on a service requiring the Hghtest of light skir- 
mishers. The latter however, did not err from ignorance. 
From the beginning of the campaign the English officers 
had ridiculed these unwieldy troopers, who strolled about 
the camp with their heavy sabres dragging on the ground, 
saying (what was a fact) that the hat and sword of one 
of them were as heavy as the whole of an English pri- 
vate's equipment. But, as if this was not sufficient, 
these light dragoons were still further cumbered by being 
obliged to carry flour, and drive a herd of cattle before 
them for their maintenance on the way. 

The result may be easily foreseen. By a rapid move- 
ment of the Americans under Stark, at three o'clock of 
the afternoon of the i6th of August, Baum was cut ofF 
from his English allies, who fled and left him to fight 
alone, with his awkwardly equipped squad^ an enemy 
far superior in numbers. In this maneuver Stark was 
greatly aided by a ruse practiced on the German colonel. 
" Toward 9 o'clock on the morning of the i6th," writes 
General Riedesel, in giving an account of this action, 
" small bodies of armed men made their appearance from 
different directions. These men were mostly in their 
shirt sleeves. They did not act as if they intended to 
make an attack ; and Baum, being told by a provincial 
who had joined his army on the line of march, that they 
were all loyalists and would make common cause with 
him, suffered them to encamp on his sides and rear.^ 



^ This confidence, perhaps, was the first and chief false step which caused 
the defeat of Bennington, and consequently the failure of Burgoyne. This 
is an entirely new revelation. 



32 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

Shortly after another force of the rebels arrived and at- 
tacked his rear ; but with the aid of artillery, they were 
repulsed. After a little while a stronger body made their 
appearance and attacked more vigorously. This was the 
signal for the seeming loyalists, who had encamped on 
the sides and rear of the army, to attack the Germans ; 
and the result was that Baum suddenly found himself cut 
ofF from all his detached posts." For over two hours 
he withstood the sallies and fire of the Americans — his 
dragoons to a man, fighting like heroes — but at last, 
his ammunition giving out, and the reinforcements which 
he had sent for not arriving, he was obliged to give way 
before superior numbers and retreat. " The enemy," says 
Riedesel, " seemed to spring out of the ground." Twice 
the dragoons succeeded in breaking a road through the 
forces of Stark, for, upon their ammunition being used 
up, Baum ordered that they should sling their carbines 
over their shoulders, and trust to their swords. But 
bravery was now in vain ; and the heroic leader, himself 
mortally wounded in the abdomen by a bullet, and having 
lost three hundred and sixty out of four hundred, was 
forced to surrender. Meanwhile, the Indians and Pro- 
vincials had taken flight and sought safety in the forest. 
While these events were taking place. Lieutenant 
Colonel Breymann, who had been sent by Riedesel to 
the aid of Baum, reached the bridge of St. Luke at three 
o'clock in the afternoon. Here he was met by Major 
Skene, who assured him that he was only two miles dis- 
tant from Lieutenant Colonel Baum. Skene, however, 
not informing him of the latter's defeat, he continued his 



Campaign of General John Burgoyne. i^i^ 

march as quickly as possible, although his troops — the 
day being unusually hot and sultry — were greatly 
fatigued. Scarcely had he advanced fifteen Imndred 
paces on the bridge, wiien he descried a strongly armed 
force on an eminence toward the west. Skene assured 
him this force were not the enemy ; but Breymann, not 
satisfied with this assurance, sent ahead some scouts who 
were immediately received with a volley of musketry/ 
Perceiving how the case stood, he at once ordered Major 
Earner to advance upon the hill, sent his grenadiers to 
the right, put the guns of both regiments into position, 
and directed the fire upon a log-house occupied by the 
Americans. The Germans drove the enemy across 
three ridges of land, but their ammunition giving out, 
they were obliged to desist from the pursuit. Thereupon, 
the Americans, guessing the cause of the halt, in their 
turn once more advanced ; upon which Breymann, rely- 
ing solely upon the fast gathering darkness to save him- 
self, halted his men opposite the enemy, and remained 
there until it was perfectly dark. Then under cover of 
the night, he retreated across the bridge but was forced 
to leave his cannon. At twelve o'clock that same night, 
he arrived with his tired troops at Cambridge, and reached 
the main army at Fort Miller on the 17th. In this 



^ Stedman, in his History of the American War^ part i, p. 417, states 
that Baum captured on the first day, an American corps, which was released 
the following day by Major Skene, under the impression that this act of 
magnanimity would influence the released Americans to take no farther 
part against their king. He adds that these very ones fought the hardest 
against the English at Bennington. No mention, however, of this cir- 
cumstance is made either in Riedesel's journals or in the report of Baum. 

4 



Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 3 5 

action, the Americans captured four brass cannons,^ 
besides some hundred stands of arms and brass barrelled 
drums, several Brunswick swords, and about seven hun- 
dred prisoners.^ '- It is true," says Riedesel, in com- 
menting upon this action, " that justice was done to the 
bravery of Colonel Baum, but the English also said, that 
he did not possess the least knowledge of the country, 
its peqple, or its language. But who selected him for 
this expedition ? " 

Wiih the failure of this expedition against Bennington, 
the first lightning flashed from Burgoyne's hitherto serene 
sky. The soldiers, as well as their officers, had set out 
on this campaign with cheerful hearts ; for the campaign 
successfully brought to a close, all must end in the tri- 
umph of the royal arms. " Britons never go back," 



^ These beautiful brass pieces of artillery were destined to undergo several 
of the vicissitudes of war. They are French cast, and were brought from 
Quebec with the army of Burgoyne. They were afterward inscribed " taken 
at Bennington, August i6, 1777," and constituted a part of the artillery of 
General Hull's army, and fell into the enemy's hands at Detroit. When 
the British officer of the day ordered the evening salutes to be fired from 
the American cannon, he chanced to read the inscription, " Taken at 
Bennington, August i6th, 1777," whereupon he observed that he would 
cause to be added as an additional line to the verse, " Retaken at Detroit, 
August 1 6th, 18 1 2." The guns were carried by the British down to Fort 
George, at the mouth of the Niagara river, where they again fell into the 
hands of the American army, which captured that fortress. General Dear- 
born had them transported to Sackett's-Harbor, and with them were fired 
the salutes in honor of Harrison's victory over Proctor at the river Thames, 
in Upper Canada. The guns are now in Washington. 

2 For Stark's account of the battle of Bennington in a letter to General 
Schuyler, and|also a narrative of one of the participants in the action, see 
Appendix, No. III. 



^6 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

Bugoyne exultantly had said, as the flotilla passed down 
Lake Champlain. Now, however, the Indians deserted 
by scores, and an almost general consternation and lan- 
guor took the place of the former confidence and 
buoyancy. 

On his arrival at Fort Edward, which had been 
evacuated by the Americans on the approach of the British 
army, the English general was joined by the Mohawk 
Nation, or, as they were called, Sir William Johnson's 
Indians. They agreed to fight provided their women and 
children were sent to Canada and supported, a condition 
which was faithfully carried out. Beyond this post, the 
country was peopled with German, Dutch, and English 
settlers. The latter, pretending to be good royalists, were 
allowed by Burgoyne, against the strong representations of 
his officers, not only to carry their arms, but to stroll 
about the camp at their leisure, and without any 
restraint. " These men, however," says Riedesel's 
journal, " were all but royalists. They consequently 
improved the opportunity to gain intelligence of al! the 
occurrences in the army by appearances, and they forth- 
with communicated to the commanders of the enemy's 
forces that which they had seen and heard." Having 
finally reached the Hudson at the mouth of the Batten 
kil, those of the German dragoons that were left were 
horsed. Their number had now diminished to twenty, 
and this number constituted the entire cavalry force of 
the invading army. 



Campaign of General John Burgoyne. ] 7 

III. 

On the 13th of September, the royal army, with the 
exception of the German troops composing the left wing, 
crossed the Hudson by a bridge of boats, with the de- 
sign of forming a junction with Sir Henry Clinton at 
Albany.^ It encamped on the heights and plains of Sara- 
toga near the mouth of Fish creek (the present site of 
Schuvlerville), within a ^tw miles of the northern divi- 
sion of the continentals under Gates — Burgoyne selecting 
General Schuyler's house as his headquarters.^ After 



^ The Brunswick Journal states, that as early as the 19th of August, 
Fraser having occupied Fort Miller on the 9th of that month, a bridge was 
first made abo-ve the present Saratoga falls or rapids 5 but upon a better 
place being found lower down, it was broken up and a new one built beloiv 
the rapids. 

While preparations for crossing the river were making, Burgoyne, says 
Neilson, " encamped on an extensive flat or intervale, about one hundred rod 
north of Lansing's saw-mill. Here he had quite an extensive slaughter-yard 
which so enriched the soil that its effects are still visible on the corn crops 
and other productions." The exact place where the British crossed the 
Hudson was just below the Saratoga falls, two miles above Schuylerville, 
some eighty rods northwest of the present residence of Abraham Yates 
Rogers. The entrenchments which were at that time thrown up to cover 
the passage of the river, are still to be seen very plainly. They are three 
hundred feet in length and from four to six feet high, but are overgrown 
with scrub pines. Mr. Rogers, whose grandfather lived on the farm at 
the time, informs me that within thirty years the wooden platforms for the 
cannon were in existence behind the entrenchment." The survey of the 
railroad from Greenwich to Saratoga Springs was through these entrench- 
ments. 

2 Burgoyne did not cross as soon as he expected, because, finding his 
provisions short, he was obliged to wait until supplies could be brought up 



3 8 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

crossing the bridge ^ the 9th, 20th, 2 1 st and 62d regiments, 
with the artillery, were stationed on the plain near the 
river, between the barracks^ and the Fish kil, the bateaux 
on the right bank being crossed by six companies of the 
47th. The hills around Saratoga were so densely 
covered with woods and underbrush that it was impos- 
sible to place the army in position to withstand an attack 
from the Americans. Accordingly all of the generals 



from Ticonderoga. Sergeant Lamb was accordingly sent back alone (as 
being thus less liable to attract observation) to that post and soon returned 
with a month's provisions. For an account of his trip, see Appendix No. 
XV. 

^ The Brunswick Journal, in speaking of the passage of this bridge, says : 
" The anjant-guarde under Fraser was the first to march over. At nine 
o'clock the reserve under Lieut. Col. Breymann followed after them in 
order to cover Fraser's left flank. The Germans, who formed the left 
wing of the army went over last of all [two days afterwards] j as soon as the 
last man had crossed the bridge it was broken up. They had passed the 
Rubicon^ and all further communication with Canada was now cut off. 
The army which, on first setting off from there, was 10,000 strong, had 
already diminished to 6000 [1000 had been left at Ticonderoga] and even 
these were provided with provisions not only scant in quantity, but bad in 
quality. 

^ These barracks were used as a hospital and were located on the north 
side of the road to Saratoga Springs, directly upon the present site of the red 
barns of the Hon. Alonzo Welch of Schuylerville, who resides a few rods 
east of the barns in the main village street. The barracks were standing 
and occupied by a farmer up to within thirty years. In March, 1867, Mr. 
Welch, while plowing back of his barns, came across the burying place of 
the hospital. The bones thus exhumed, he carefully reburied. 

Schuyler's house (so say the manusciipt Journals of the Brunswick offi- 
cers) was betiveen the old village of Ticonderoga and the Fish kil. This 
fact is of great importance in locating the old village, which, by the way, 
at best consisted of only a few scattered houses. 



Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 39 

carefully inspected the high ground nearest the camp, 
and agreed upon a position to be taken up at a moment's 
notice, in case of an attack. The situation of the army, 
moreover, was rendered still more precarious by the fact 
of its being divided by the river, and thus obliged to be 
constantly on its guard. New entrenchments were there- 
fore thrown up, especially on the side toward Bennington. 
After the evacuation of Fort Edward, Schuyler had 
fallen down the river, first to Stillwater, and then to Van 
Schaick's island at the mouth of the Mohawk.^ On the 
19th day of August, however, he was superseded by 
Gates, who, on the 8th day of September, advanced with 
six thousand men to Bemis's heights, three miles north 
of Stillwater. These heights were at once fortified, 



* "The reason," says Neilson, "why Schuyler fortified Van Schaick's 
island with the expectation of opposing Burgoyne in his march to Albany, 
was as follows: at that time there were no bridges across either the Hudson 
or Mohawk, nor were there ferries as plenty as they have been since. The 
only ferry on the Mohawk, between the Hudson river and Schenectady, 
was Loudon's, five miles above its mouth, where Arnold was posted with the 
left wing of the American army, for the purpose of preventing a passage at 
that place. There was another ferry near Halfmoon point (Waterford), 
across the Hudson, but that would only have been leading him out of the 
way on the opposite side of the river. Besides, the conveying so large an 
army over that stream in a common scow-boat, and at the same time sub- 
ject to be opposed by the Americans who lay near by, would have rendered 
such an undertaking impracticable. Those being the facts, his course ne- 
cessarily lay across the sprouts, as they were called, or mouths of the Mo- 
hawk, which, except in time of freshets, were fordable, and by four of 
which that stream enters the Hudson j the second and third forming Van 
Schaick's island, across which the road passed, and was the usual route at 
that time." 



40 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

under the direction of Kosciusko. Along the brow of 
the river hills he threw up a line of breastworks about 
three-fourths of a mile in extent, with a strong battery 
at each end, and one in the centre, in such positions as 
to sweep the alluvial meadows between them and the 
river. A line of entrenchments, also, ran from west to 
east half a mile in length, and terminated on the east 
end on the west side of the intervale. The right wing 
occupied a hill nearest the river, and was protected in 
front by a wide, marshy ravine, and behind this by abattis. 
From the foot of this hill, across the flats to the river, 
an entrenchment was opened, at the extremity of which, 
on the margin of the river, another strong batterv was 
constructed. The left wing commanded by Arnold 
(who after the defeat of St. Leger at Fort Stanwix, had 
joined Gates) extended onto a height three quarters of a 
mile further north, its left flank being also protected on 
the hillside by felled trees, or slashings. Gates's head- 
quarters were in the centre, a little south of what was 
then, and is now, known as the Neilson farm, 

On the 15th, the Germans crossed the river, and Bur- 
goyne, having destroyed the bridge, gave the order to 
advance in search of the enemy, supposed to be some- 
where in the forest ; for, strange as it appears, that gene- 
ral had no knowledge of the position of the Americans, 
nor had he taken any pains to inform himself upon this 
vital point. ^ The army in gala dress, with its left wing 



' For an account of Alexander Bryan, the scout who gave Gates timely 
notice of the passage of the Hudson by Burgoyne, see Appendix XI. 



Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 4 1 

resting on the Hudson, set ofF on its march with drunns 
beating, colors flying, and their arms glistening in the 
sunshine of that lovely autumn day. " It was a superb 
spectacle," says an eye-witness, " reminding one of a 
grand parade in the midst of peace." That night they 
pitched their camp at Dovogat's house (Coveville).^ 
On the following morning, the enemy's drums were 



^ This house, which is still (1877) standing in good preservation, on the 
margin of the Champlain canal, about fifty rods from the Hudson, 
is situated about forty rods east of the road from Schuylerville to Stillwater, 
in what is cglled Van Vechten's cove, at Coveville. 

In regard to the origin of this name. Professor Asa Fifch writes as 
follows : 

"j^«/y 4, 1877 — Dear Sir — Having resided six years in Stillwater, eight 
miles below, and in Ft. Miller over a year, eight miles above Co've-vilk^ I 
have often been to and through the place, and am quite familiar with the 
names it has had. Here is very much the largest of the coves or narrow 
bays (ancient beds of the river) which occur along the stream between Ft. 
Miller and Stillwater. In summer, when the river is low, this cove is an 
immense mud-hole or marsh. Hence it was first named by the Dutch, 
the Great P^Iie, or simply the F'lie. This was its current name during the 
Old French war, and the New England troops passing have probably sup- 
posed the name alluded to the swarms of musketoes they here encountered, 
for they wrote it the Fly, and the Great Fly. 

The cove was formerly a noted resort for flocks of wild ducks, attracting 
hunters hither from all the country around 5 and from this the place re- 
ceived its next name, Do'vecot, i.e., dove house or dove place. This is the 
current statement among the inhabitants of the vicinity, and I doubt not 
it is correct. This was the prevalent name at the period of the revolution 
and for many years after. Some writers, unaware of the derivation and 
meaning of the name spell it differently. Thus in Wilkinson s Memoirs 
it is spelled Da'vocote. No doubt Baron Riec^esel, on inquiring the origin 
or signification of this name, was told it meant do've''s house, and he, im- 
perfectly acquainted with our language, and supposing it to be the name of 
a person, and writing it as he understood it to be pronounced, entered it in 
his journal, Do'vegat's bouse.'''' 



42 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

heard calling the men to arms, but although in such close 
proximity, the invading army knew not whence the 
sounds came, nor in what strength he was posted. In- 
deed, it does not seem that up to this time, Burgoyne 
had sent off eclaireurs or scouting parties to discover the 
situation of the enemy. Now, however, he mounted his 
horse to attend to it himself, taking with him, a strong 
body guard, consisting of the four regiments of Specht 
and Hesse-Hanau with six heavy pieces of ordnance, 
and two hundred workmen to construct bridges and roads. 
This was the party, with which he proposed, "to scout, 
and if occasion served," these were his words, " to attack 
the rebels on the spot." This remarkable scouting party 
moved with such celerity, as to accomplish two and a 
half miles the first day,^ when in the evening, the entire 
army, which had followed on, encamped at Sword's 
house, within five miles of the American lines. "^ 



I am inclined, however, to think that the word is a compound from the 
Dutch words doof or doo've^ dull^ and gat^ hole, in other words a kind of 
Sleepy hollow. Riedesel probably gives the name to the house not from a 
person of that name living in it, but from the place, i.e., the house at 
Doniogat. 

"^ A New Hampshire regiment, while endeavoring to head off Clinton and 
save Albany, marched forty miles from Saratoga (Schuylerville), in fourteen 
hours and forded the Mohawk below Cohoes falls. Belknap's New Hampshire. 
Col. Otho Williams marched forty miles on the i8th of November, 1781. 
Bancroft, x, 473. Tarleton rode seventy miles in twenty-four hours, de- 
stroying public stores on the way. Idem. And Cornwallis, in marching 
order, pursued Greene's lightened retreating troops at the rate of thirty miles 
in a day. 

"^ The site of Sword's house is on the south side of a spring brook, about 
fifty yards west of the Hudson river, and a few rods north of the south 



Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 43 

The night of the i8th passed quietly, the scouts that 
had finally been sent out, having returned without dis- 
covering a trace of the enemy. Indeed, it is a note- 
w^orthy fact that throughout the entire campaign, Bur- 
goyne was never able to obtain accurate knowledge, 
either of the position of the Americans or of their move- 
ments ; whereas, all his own plans were publicly known 
long before they were officially given out in orders. "I 
observe," writes Mrs. General Riedesel at this time, 
" that the wives of the officers are beforehand informed 
of all the military plans. Thus the Americans anticipate 
all our movements, and expect us whenever we arrive ; 
and this, of course, injures our affairs." 

On the morning of the 19th, a further advance was 
again ordered, an advance which prudence dictated should 
be made with the greatest caution. The army was now 
in the immediate vicinity of an alert and thoroughly 
aroused enemy, of whose strength they knew as little as 
of the country.^ Notwithstanding this, the army not 
only was divided into three columns, each marching half 
a mile apart, but at 11 o'clock, a cannon, fired as a 



line of the town of Saratoga. It may be readily found from being about 
thirty rods north of a highway leading from the Hudson river road westerly, 
which highway is the first one north of Wilbur's basin. This highway 
was nearly the same at the time of General Burgoyne's visit in 1777 as 
now. All traces of the house are now (1877) obliterated save a few bricks 
and a slight depression in the soil where was the cellar. 

^ " At this encampment (Sword's house) several of our men having pro- 
ceeded into a field of potatoes, were surprised by a party of the enemy that 
killed about thirty of them. They might without difficulty have been 
surrounded and taken prisoners, but the Americans could not resist the op- 
portunity of shedding blood." — Lamb''s Memoirs. Dublirty 181 1. 



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Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 45 



signal for the start, echoed through the still aisles of the 
primeval forest, informing the Americans of the position 
and forward movement of the British. 




ROUTE OF THE ENGLISH TROOPS TO FREEMAN'S FARM. 



1. Hudson River. 

2. Left column under Riedesel. 

3. Centre column under Burgoyne. 

4. Right column under Fraser. 

5. Bemis's Heights. 



6. Freeman's Farm. 

7. Route of Fraser to assist Burgoyne. 

8. Road to (Quaker Springs. 

9. Dovogat. 

10. Sword's House. 



The left column, which followed the river-road, con- 
sisted of four German regiments, and the 47th British, 
the latter constituting a guard for the bateaux. These 
troops, together with all the heavy artillery and baggage, 
were under the command of General Riedesel. The 
right column, made up of the English Grenadiers and 
Light Infantry, the 24th Brunswick Grenadiers, and 
the light battalion, with eight 6 pounders under Lieut. 
Col. Breymann, was led by General Fraser, and followed 
the present road from Quaker springs to Stillwater, on 
the heights. The centre column, also on the heights, 
and mid-way between the left and right wings, consisted 
of the 9th, 20th, 2ist and 62d regiments, with six 6 
5 



46 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

pounders, and was led by Burgoyne in person. The 
front and flanks of the centre and right columns were 
protected by Canadians, Provincials, and Indians. The 
march was exceedingly tedious, as frequently new bridges 
had to be built, and trees cut down and removed. 

About one o'clock in the afternoon Colonel Morgan, 
who with his sharpshooters had been detached to watch 
the movements of the British and harass them, owing 
to the dense woods, unexpectedly fell in with the centre 
column, and sharply attacked it. Whereupon Fraser, 
on the right, wheeled his troops, and coming up forced 
Morgan to give way. A regiment being ordered to the 
assistance of the latter, whose numbers had been sadly 
scattered by the vigor of the attack, the battle was re- 
newed with spirit. By four o'clock, the action had 
become general, Arnold, with nine continental regiments 
and Morgan's corps having completely engaged the whole 
force of Burgoyne and Fraser. The contest, accidentally 
begun in the first instance, now assumed the most obsti- 
nate and determined character, the soldiers often being 
engaged hand to hand. The ground being mostly co- 
vered with woods embarrassed the British in the use of 
their field artillery, while it gave a corresponding advan- 
tage to Morgan's sharpshooters. The artillery fell into 
the hands of the Americans at every alternate discharge, 
but the latter could neither turn the guns upon the enemy, 
nor bring them ofF. The wood prevented the last, and 
the want of a match the first, as the lint-stock was in- 
variably carried away, and the rapidity of the transitions 
did not allow the Americans time to provide one. 

Meanwhile General Riedesel, who had kept abreast 



Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 47 

of the other two columns and had reached the present 
site of Wilbur's basin, hearing the firing, on his own re- 
sponsibility, and guided only by the sound of the cannon, 
hastened at five o'clock with two regiments through the 
woods to the relief of the commander-in-chief. When 
he arrived on the scene, the Americans were posted on 
a corner of the woods, having on their right flank a deep 
muddy ravine, the brink of which had been rendered in- 
accessible by stones and underbrush. In front of this 
corner of the forest, and entirely surrounded by dense 
woods, was a vacant space, on which the English were 
drawn up in line. The struggle was for the possession 
of this clearing, known then, as it is to this day, as 
Freeman's farm. It had already been in possession of 
both parties, and now served as a support for the left 
flank of the English right wing, the right flank being 
covered by the troops of Eraser and Breymann. The 
Continentals had, for the sixth time, hurled fresh troops 
against the three British regiments, the 20th, 21st and 
62d. The guns on this wing were already silenced, there 
being no more ammunition ; and the artillerymen having 
been either killed or wounded. These three regiments 
had lost half their men, and now formed a small band 
surrounded by heaps of the dead and dying. The timely 
arrival of the German general alone saved the army of 
Burgoyne from total rout. Charging on the double- 
quick with fixed bayonets, he repelled the Americans, and 
Eraser and Breymann were preparing to follow up the 
advantage, when they were recalled by Burgoyne and 
reluctantly forced to retreat. General Schuyler, referring 



48 Campaign of General John Burgoyne, 

to this in his diary, says : " Had it not been for this order 
of the British general, the Americans would have been if 
not defeated, at least held in such check as to have made 
it a drawn battle, and an opportunity afforded the British 
to collect much provision of which he [j/V] stood sorely 
in need." The British officers also shared the same 
opinion. Fraser and Riedesel severely criticised the order, 
telling its author in plain terms that he did not know how 
to avail himself of his advantages." Nor was this feeling 
confined to the officers ; the privates gave vent to their 
dissatisfaction against their general in loud expressions of 
scorn, as he rode down the line. This reaction was the 
more striking, because they had placed the utmost con- 
fidence in his capacity at the beginning of the expedition. 
They were also still more confirmed in their dislike, by 
the general belief that he was addicted to drinking. 
Neither does this seem to have been owing to an unwil- 
Hngness to fight or a lack of esprit ; for when, subse- 
quently, the men were reduced to short rations, " they 
put up," says Riedesel, " with this, as also with all the 
fatiguing labors, duties and night watches, with the great- 
est patience and perseverance." 

In connection with this battle, the heroism of Lieu- 
tenant Hervey, of the 62d regiment, and nephew to the 
adjutant general of the same name, should not be forgotten. 
Early in the action he received several wounds, and was 
repeatedly ordered off the field by Lieutenant Colonel 
Anstruther ; but his enthusiasm would not allow him to 
leave his brave comrades as long as he could stand. 
Presently, however, a ball striking one of his legs, his 



Campaign of General John Burgoyne. '49 

removal became a necessity, and while he was being 
borne away, another wounded him mortally. In this 
situation, the surgeon recommended him to take a power- 
ful dose of opium if he would avoid seven or eight hours 
of dreadful torture. To this he consented, and when 
his colonel entered the tent with Major Harnage, who 
were both wounded, they asked whether he had any 
affairs they could settle for him ? His reply was, that 
being a minor, every thing was already adjusted ; but 
he had one request, which he retained just life enough 
to utter; and, with the words, "Tell my uncle I died 
like a soldier," expired. 

Night put an end to the conflict. The Americans 
withdrew within their lines, and the British and German 
forces bivouacked on the battle field, the Brunswickers 
composing in part the right wing. Both parties claimed 
the victory, yet as the intention of the Americans was 
not to advance, but to maintain their position, and that 
of the English, not to maintain theirs, but to gain ground, 
it is easy to see which had the advantage of the day. 
The loss of the former was between 300 and 400, in- 
cluding Colonels Adams and Coburn, and of the latter 
from 600 to 1000 — -Captain Jones of the artillery, an 
officer of great merit, being among the killed. The 
ground afforded on ths following day a scene truly dis- 
tressing. The bodies of the slain, thrown together into 
one receptacle, were scarcely covered with the soil ; 
and the only tribute of respect to fallen officers was, to 
bury them by themselves without throwing them into 
the common grave. In this battle an unusual number 



50 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

of youthful officers fell on the British side, as their army 
abounded at this time with young men of high respect- 
ability, who after several years of peace anterior to the 
Revolution, were attracted to the profession of arms. 
Three subalterns of the 20th regiment on this occasion, 
the oldest of whom did not exceed the age of seventeen 
years, were buried together.^ 

It was the intention of General Burgoyne, the morning 
following this engagement, to attack the Americans on 
their left with his entire force. His sick and wounded 
were disposed of at the river ; the army was drawn up 
in order of battle ; and he waited only for the dispersion 
of a heavy fog, when General Fraser observed to him 
that the grenadiers and light infantry, who were to lead 
the attack, appeared fatigued by the duty of the preceding 
day, and that if he would suspend the operation until the 
next morning (the 21st), he believed they would enter 
into the combat with greater spirit. Burgoyne yielded 



^ "The morning after the action, I visited the wounded prisoners who 
had not been dressed, and discovered a charming youth not more than 
sixteen years old lying among them ; feeble, faint, pale and stiff in his gore : 
the delicacy of his aspect and the quality of his clothing attracted my 
attention, and on enquiry, I found he was an Ensign Phillips. He told 
me he had fallen by a wound in his leg or thigh, and as he lay on the 
ground was shot through the body by an army follower, a murderous 
villain, who owned the deed, but I forget his name. The moans of the 
hapless youth affected me to tears j I raised him from the straw on which 
he lay, took him in my arms and removed him to a tent, where every 
comfort was provided and every attention paid to him ; but his wounds were 
mortal, and he expired on the 21st. When his name was first mentioned 
to General Gates, he exclaimed 'just heaven ! he may be the nephew of my 
wife,' but the fact was otherwise." — JVilkinson. 



Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 5 1 

to this suggestion ; the orders were countermanded and 
the troops returned to their quarters.^ Meanwhile, in 
the course of the night, a spy reached the British general 
with a letter from Sir Henry Clinton, advising him of 
his intended ascent of the Hudson for his relief. There- 
upon, he resolved to postpone the meditated attack and 
await the arrival of Clinton at Albany.^ 



^ " If General Burgoyne," says Wilkinson, "had attacked us on the 
20th or 2ist of September, as he intended, his force would have enabled him 
to lead a column of 5000 rank and file against our left, where the ground 
was most favorable to his approach ; whilst a point on our right, by the 
plain near the river, would have kept every man at his station within our 
extended lines j and under such advantages on his side, it is highly probable 
he would have gained a decisive victory, and taken our artillery and baggage j 
for although our numbers in rank and file exceeded 6000, the sick, casual- 
ties, and contingencies of the service, would not have left us more than 
5500 men for defence 5 and from the formation of our camp, by penetrating 
on the left he would have cut off our right. We were badly fitted to de- 
fend works or meet the close encounter ; the late hour at which the action 
closed the day before, the fatigue of officers and men, and the defects of 
our organization had prevented the left wing from drawing ammunition, 
and we could not boast of a bayonet for every three muskets. Presump- 
tious as well as blind must be he who presumes to ascribe this critical com- 
bination of circumstances to mere accident, or the caprice of fortune ! " 

2 That Burgoyne_ however, believed that he was whipped by the result 
of the action of the 19th is evident from this fact. In the library of the 
late John Carter Brown of Providence, R. I., there is a volume of Stedmati 
with marginal notes in the handwriting of Sir Henry Clinton, who once 
owned the book. In that portion of the work wiiere Stedman speaks of 
the failure of Burgoyne, Clinton writes as follows : " If General Burgoyne 
had not been sure of a cooperation, 'tis pity he ever passed the Hudson. 
Sir H. Clinton, thinking General Burgoyne might want some cooperation 
(though he had not called for it in any of his letters), offered in his of the 
1 2th of September, to make an attempt on the forts as soon as the expected 



52 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

Accordingly, the day that was to have witnessed a 
renewal of the action of the 19th, Burgoyne devoted to 
the laying out of a fortified camp. He made the site of 
the late battle his extreme right, and extended his in- 
trenchments across the high ground to the river. For 
the defence of the right wing, a redoubt (known as the 
Great redoubt), was thrown up in the late battle-field, 
near the corner of the woods that had been occupied by 
the Americans during the action, on the eastern edge of 
the ravine.^ The defence of this position was intrusted 
to the corps of Fraser. The reserve corps of Breymann 
were posted on an eminence on the western side of the 
ravine for the protection of the right flank of Fraser's 
division.^ The right wing of the English (Hamil- 
ton's) was placed in close proximity to the left wing of 



reinforcements should arrive from Europe. General Burgoyne fought the 
battle of Saratoga on the 19th, and on the 21st tells General Clinton in 
answer, that no attempt, or even the menace of an attempt, would be of use." 
This discovery was made by a writer (J. C. S ) of Providence, who sent 
the account to the N. T. Tribune, in Aug., 1875. 

^ This redoubt — destined to be the scene of the hottest part of the en- 
gagement of the 7th of October, was three rods south of the present barn- 
yard of Mr. Ebenezer Leggett, whose house — as mentioned in a preceding 
note — stands on the old clearing of Freeman, the site of tr.e first action of 
the 19th of September. Balls and skeletons are still, even at this late day, 
picked up on this spot. I myself, once, while following the plow of a 
farmer, picked up four grape shot on the site of this redoubt. 

^ The traces of Breymann's entrenchments are yet to be seen very plainly. 
They lie about twenty rods northwest of Mr. Leggett's house. The place 
is considerably elevated by nature, and is known among the farmers in the 
vicinity as Burgoyne'' s hill. Properly, it should be Breymann^ s htll. It was 
at the northeast corner of this eminence that Arnold was wounded in the 
action of the 7th of October. 



Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 53 

Fraser, thus extending the line on the left to the river 
bank where were placed the hospital and supply trains. 
The entire front was protected by a deep muddy ditch, 
running nine hundred paces in front of the outposts of 
the left wing. This ditch ran in a curve around the 
right wing of the English brigade, thereby separating 
Fraser's corps from the main body. 

General Burgoyne made his head-quarters between the 
English and German troops on the heights at the left 
wing.^ This was the new camp at Freeman's farm. 

V. 

During the period of inaction which now intervened, 
a part of the army, says the private journal of one of the 
officers, was so near the Americans that " we could hear 
his morning and evening guns, his drums, and other 
noises in his camp very distinctly, but we knew not in 
the least, where he stood, nor how he was posted, much 
less how strong he was." " Undoubtedly," naively 2.Adi?, 
the journal, "a rare case in such a situation." 



I The Taylor house (Smith's house), has often been mistaken for the 
head-quarters of Burgoyne. The Brunswick Journal, however, is very ex- 
plicit in stating that " Burgoyne camped between the English and German 
troops of Riedesel on the heights at the left wing." This statement, more- 
over, receives additional confirmation in the following incident. On one 
of my visits to the battle-ground, I pointed out to Mr. Wilbur (on whose 
land we were then standing), the place designated by the Brunswick Jour- 
nal as Burgoyne's head-quarters. "That," exclaimed Mr. Wilbur, "ex- 
plains what I have often wondered at." He then stated that when he 
first plowed up that particular spot, he was accustomed to find great quan- 
tities of old gin and wine bottles, and that until now, he had often been 
puzzled to know "how on earth those bottles came there." — See Map. 



54 Campaign of General John Burgoyne, 

Meanwhile the work of fortifying the camp was con- 
tinued. A place d'armes was laid out in front of the re- 
giments, and fortified with heavy batteries. During the 
night of the 2ist considerable shouting was heard in the 
American camp. This, accompanied by the firing of 
cannon, led the army to believe that some holiday was 
being celebrated. Again, in the night of the 23d, more 
noise was heard in the same direction. " This time, 
however," says the journal of another officer," it may 
have proceeded from working parties, as the most com- 
mon noise was the rattling of chains. From the fact also 
that voices were heard, it is evident that the enemy must 
have been very near the other side of the ditch. Lamb, 
also bears testimony to the close proximity of the Ame- 
ricans. •"' We could," says that writer, " distinctly hear 
the Americans felling and cutting trees ; and they had a 
piece of ordnance which they used to fire as a morning 
gun, so near us that the wadding from it struck against 
our works." On the 28th a captured cornet, who had 
been allowed by Gates to return to the British camp for 
five days, gave an explanation of the shouting heard on 
the night of the 21st. This was, that General Lincoln, 
with a strong body of militia from New Hampshire and 
Connecticut, had attempted to surprise Ticonderoga, and 
though unsuccessful had captured four companies of the 
53d, together with an armed brig and one bateau. Thus 
Burgoyne was indebted to an enemy in his front for in- 
formation respecting his own posts in his rear. 

But the action of the 19th had essentially diminished his 
strength, and his situation began to grow critical. His 



Campaign of General John Burgoyne, 55 

dispatches were intercepted, and his communications with 
Canada cut off by the seizure of the posts at the head of 
Lake George. The pickets were more and more mo- 
lested, the army was weakened by the sick and wounded, 
and the enemy swarmed on its rear and flanks, threatening 
the strongest positions. In fact the army was as good as 
cut off from its outposts, while in consequence of its 
close proximity to the American camp, the soldiers had 
but little rest. The nights, also, were rendered hideous 
by the howls of large packs of wolves that were attracted 
by the partially buried bodies of those slain in the action 
of the nineteenth.^ On the ist of October a few Eng- 
lish soldiers who were digging potatoes in a field a short 
distance in the rear of head-quarters within the camp, 
were surprised by the enemy who suddenly rushed from 
the woods and carried off the men in the very faces of 
their comrades. 

There were now only sufficient rations for sixteen 
days ; and foraging parties, necessarily composed of a 
large number of men, were sent out daily. At length 
Burgoyne was obliged to cut down the ordinary rations 
to a pound of bread and a pound of meat ; and as he 
had heard nothing from Clinton he became seriously 



^ The first two nights this noise was heard, General Fraser thought it to 
have been the dogs belonging to the officers, and an order was given for 
the dogs to be confined within the tents. The next night the noise was 
much greater ; when a detachment of Canadians and Provincials were sent 
out to reconnoitre, and it proved to have arisen from large droves of wolves 
that came after the dead j they were similar to a pack of hounds j for one 
setting up a cry, they all joined, and when they approached a corpse, their 
noise was hideous till they had scratched it up." — Anburey. 



^6 Campaign of General John Burgoyne, 

alarmed. Accordingly, on the evening of the 5th of 
October, he called a council of war. Riedesel and Faser 
advised an immediate falling back to their old position, 
beyond the Batten kil, Phillips declined giving an opinion, 
and Burgoyne reserved his decision until he had made a 
reconnaissance in force " to gather forage, and ascertain 
definitely the position of the enemy, and whether it 
would be advisable to attack him." Should the latter 
be the case, he would, on the day following the recon- 
naissance, advance on the Americans with his entire 
army ; but if not, he would march back to the Batten kil. 

VI. 

At ten o'clock on the morning of October 7th, liquor 
and rations having been previously issued to the army, 
Burgoyne, with fifteen hundred men, eight cannons and 
two howitzers, started on his reconnaissance, accompanied 
by Generals Riedesel, Phillips and Fraser. The Cana- 
dians, Indians, and three hundred of Breymann's 
Brunswickers, were sent ahead under Captain Fraser 
(not the general) to make a diversion in the rear of the 
Continentals. They succeeded in reaching a point a 
little in the rear of a log barn which formed the extreme 
left of the American breastworks ; but they were speedily 
discovered, and after a brisk skirmish of half an hour, 
were driven back, hotly pursued by the Americans, to 
within a short distance of the British line of battle which 
was then forming.^ 



^ A great many balls have since been picked up on both sides of where 
this breastwork stood, some of them flattened and others misshaped, showing 



Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 57 

The British advanced in three columns toward the 
left wing of the American position, entered a wheat 
field two hundred rods southwest of the site of the action 
of the 19th, deployed into line, and began cutting up 
wheat for forage. The grenadiers under Major Ackland, 
and the artillery under Major Williams, were stationed 
on a gentle eminence.^ The light infantry, skirted by 
a low ridge of land and under the Earl of Balcarras, were 
placed in the extreme right. The centre was composed 
of British and German troops under Phillips and Riedesel. 
In advance of the right wing. General Fraser had com- 
mand of a detachment of five hundred picked men. The 
movement having been seasonably discovered, the centre 
advanced guard of the Americans beat to arms. Col. 
Wilkinson, Gates's adjutant general, being at head- 
quarters at the moment, was dispatched to ascertain the 
cause of the alarm. He proceeded to within sixty rods 
of the enemy, and returning, informed General Gates 
that they were foraging, attempting also to reconnoitre 
the American left, and likewise in his opinion, offering 



that they had come in contact with opposing obstacles. " And here," says 
Neilson, '* is one circumstance strongly confirming the often repeated 
assertion, ' that the Americans, in addition to one musket ball, added two 
buck shot, by which they did so much execution,' viz : the buck shot are 
frequently found on the side of the breastwork toward which the Americans 
fired, and not on the other." 

I This eminence is now (1877), covered by an orchard, about two rods 
east of the road leading from (Quaker springs to Stillwater, and twenty rods 
southeast of the house now (1877) occupied by Joseph Rogers. Fraser 
was shot midway between the orchard and Rogers's house. A bass-wood 
tree now marks the spot. This tree is a shoot out of the stump of the 
tree that stood at the time when Fraser fell. 

6 



58 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

battle. In this view, Generals Lincoln and Arnold, 
who had also reconnoitred the British lines, coincided. 
" What is the nature of the ground, and what is your 
opinion ?" asked Gates. " Their front is open," Wilkin- 
son replied, " and their flank rests on woods, under cover 
of which they may be attacked ; their right is skirted by 
a height ; I would indulge them." "Well then," re- 
joined Gates, " order on Morgan to begin the game." 
At his own suggestion, however, Morgan was allowed 
to gain the ridge on the enemy's right by a circuitous 
course, while Poor's and Learned's brigades should attack 
his left. 

The movement was admirably executed. At half 
past two o'clock in the afternoon, the New York and 
New Hampshire troops marched steadily up the slope of 
tl'.e knoll on which the British grenadiers and the 
artillery under Ackland and Williams were stationed. 
Poor had given them orders not to fire until after the 
first discharge of the enemy \ and for a moment there 
was an awful stillness, each party seeming to bid defiance 
to the other. At length the artillerymen and grenadiers 
began the action by a shower of grape and musket balls, 
which had no other effect than to break the branches of 
the trees over the heads of the Americans, who, having 
thus received the signal, rushed forward firing and opening 
to the right and left. Then again forming on the flanks 
of the grenadiers they mowed them down at every shot, 
until the top of the hill was gained. Here a bloody and 
hand to hand struggle ensued which lasted about thirty 
minutes, when Ackland being badly hurt, the grenadiers 



Campaign of Geyieral John Burgoyne. 59 

gave wav, leaving the ground thickly strewn with their 
dead and wounded. In this dreadful conflict one field- 
piece that had been taken and retaken five times, finally- 
fell into the hands of the Americans ; whereupon Col. 
Cilley of New Hampshire leaped upon the captured 
cannon, waved his sword, and dedicated it " to the 
American cause," jumped down and turning its muzzle, 
fired it on the British with the ammunition they had left 
behind.^ 

Soon after Poor began the attack on the grenadiers, 
a flanking party of British was discerned advancing 
through the woods, upon which Col. Cilley was or- 
dered to intercept them. As he approached near to 
a brush fence, the enemy rose behind and fired, but so 
hurriedly that only a few balls took effect. The officer 
in command then ordered his men to '" fix bayonets 
and charge the damned rebels." Cilley who heard this 
order, replied, " it takes two to play that game, charge 
and we'll try it." His regiment charged at the word, 
and firing a volley in the faces of the British, caused 
them to flee, leaving many of their number dead, upon 
the field. 



^ " The ground which had been occupied by the British grenadiers pre- 
sented a scene of complicated horror and exultation. In the square space 
of twelve or fifteen yards lay eighteen grenadiers in the agonies of death j 
and three officers were propped up against stumps of trees, t,wo of them 
mortally wounded, bleeding, and almost speechless. A surgeon, a man of 
great worth, who was dressing one of the officers, raising his blood- 
besmeared hands in a frenzy of patriotism, exclaimed, 'Wilkinson, I have 
dipt my hands in British blood ! ' He received a sharp rebuke for his 
brutality, and, with the troops, I pursued the hard pressed flying enemy," — 
Wilkinion. 



6o Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

While pursuing the flying grenadiers, Wilkinson heard 
a feeble voice exclaim, " Protect me, sir, against that 
boy." Turning his eyes he saw a lad taking deliberate 
aim at a wounded British officer, whom heat once knew 
to be Major Ackland. Wilkinson dismounted, and 
taking him by the hand expressed the hope that he was 
not badly wounded. "Not badly," replied the gallant 
officer, " but very inconveniently, as I am shot through 
both legs. Will you, sir, have the goodness to have me 
conveyed to your camp?" Wilkinson at once directed 
his servant to alight, and lifting the wounded man into 
the vacant seat, had him conveyed to head-quarters.^ 

As soon as the action began on the British left, Mor- 
gan, true to his purpose, poured down like a torrent from 
the ridge that skirted the flanking party of Fraser, and 
attacked them so vigorously as to force them back to 
their lines ; then by a rapid movement to the left, he 
fell upon the flank of the British right with such impe- 
tuosity that they wavered, and seemed on the point of 
giving way. At this critical moment Major Dear- 
born arrived on the field with two regiments of New 



^ Lamb gives a different account of this. Both statements, however, 
may be substantially correct. He says : " Major Ackland vi^hen wounded, 
observed the British troops were retreating. He requested Capt. Simpson 
of the 31st regiment, who was an intimate friend, to help him into camp. 
Upon which, being a stout man, he conveyed the major on his back a con- 
siderable way 5 when the enemy pursuing so rapidly, he was obliged to 
leave him behind to save himself. As the major lay on the ground, he 
cried out to the men who were running by him, that he would give fifty 
guineas to any soldier who would convey him into camp. A stout grena- 
dier instantly took him on his back, and was hastening into camp, when 
they were overtaken and both made prisoners." 



Campaign of General John Burgoyne, 6 1 

England troops, and delivered so galling a fire into their 
front that they broke and fled in wild confusion. They 
were, however, quickly rallied by Balcarras behind a 
fence in rear of their first position, and led again into 
action. The Continentals next threw their entire force 
upon the centre commanded by Lt. Col. Specht with 
three hundred men. Specht, whose left flank had been 
exposed by the retreating of the grenadiers, ordered the 
two regiments of Rhetz and Hesse-Hanau to form a 
curve, and supported by the artillery thus covered his 
flank which was in imminent danger. He maintained 
himself long and bravely in this precarious situation, and 
would have stood his ground still longer, had he not 
been separated from Balcarras, in consequence of the 
latter, through a misunderstanding of Burgoyne's orders, 
taking up another position with his light infantry. Thus 
Specht's right flank was as much exposed as his left. 
The brunt of the action now fell upon the Germans, who 
alone had to sustain the impetuous onset of the Ameri- 
cans. 

Brigadier-General Fraser, who, up to this time, had 
been stationed on the right, noticed the critical situation 
of the centre, and hurried to its succor with the 24th 
regiment. Conspicuously mounted on an iron grey 
horse, he was all activity and vigilance, riding from one 
part of the division to another, and animating the troops 
by his example. Perceiving that the fate of the day 
rested upon that officer, Morgan, who, with his rifle- 
men, was immediately opposed to Fraser's corps, took a 
few of his sharpshooters aside, among whom was the 



62 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

celebrated marksman Tim. Murphy, men on whose 
precision of aim he could rely, and said to them, " That 
gallant officer yonder is General Fraser ; I admire and 
respect him, but it is necessary for our good that he 
should die. Take your station in that cluster of bushes 
and do your duty." 

Within a few moments, a rifle ball cut the crouper of 
Eraser's horse, and another passed through his horse's 
mane. Calling his attention to this, Fraser's aid said : 
" It is evident that you are marked out for particular aim ; 
would it not be prudent for you to retire from this place ?" 
Fraser replied, " my duty forbids me to fly from danger." 
The next moment he fell mortally wounded by a ball 
from the rifle of Murphy, and was carried off the field 
by two grenadiers.^ 

Upon the fall of Fraser, dismay seized the British, 
while a corresponding elation took possession of the 
Americans, who, being reinforced at this juncture by 
General Ten Broeck with three thousand New York 
militia, pressed forward with still greater vehemence. 
Up to this time Burgoyne had been in the thickest of 
the fight, and now finding himself in danger of being 
surrounded, he abandoned his artillery, and ordered a re- 
treat to the Great redoubt. The retreat took place ex- 
actly fifty-two minutes after the first shot was fired, the 



^ The distance between Fraser and Murphy, when the latter fired, is 
about one-quarter of a mile. In those days this was considered a great 
shot. General Mattoon, however, denies that Fraser was shot by Morgan's 
men, and claims the credit for another. In this connection consult Mat- 
toon's letter in Appendix No. Xlll. Mattoon was a lieutenant in the 
battle. 



Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 63 

enemy leaving all the cannon on the field, except the 
two howitzers, with a loss of more than four hundred 
men and among them the flower of his ofl!icers, viz : 
Fraser, Ackland, Williams, Captain Money, deputy 
quarter master general. Sir Francis Gierke,^ and many 
others. 

The retreating British troops had scarcely entered 
their lines when Arnold, notwithstanding he had been re- 
fused a command by Gates, placed himself at the head 
of the Continentals, and under a terrific fire of grape 
and musket balls assaulted their Works from right to left. 
Mounted on a dark brown horse he moved incessantly 
at a full gallop over the field, giving orders in every di- 
rection, sometimes in direct opposition to those of the 
commander, at others leading a platoon in person, and 
exposing himself to the hottest fire of the enemy. " He 
behaved," says Samuel Woodruff, a sergeant in the battle, 
in a letter to the late Col. William L. Stone,^ " more 
like a madman than a cool and discreet officer." But 
if it were madness, there was " method in it." With a 
part of Patterson's and Glover's brigades he attacked? 
with the ferocity of a tiger, the Great redoubt, and en- 
countering the light infantry of Balcarras, drove them 



^ Gierke was wounded while in the act of riding on to give an order — 
an order which Burgoyne (see State of the Expedition) claimed would have 
changed the fortunes of the day had it been delivered. Wilkinson and 
others spell the name Clark — a mistake which probably arose from the 
fact that the English pronounce the name Gierke as if written Clark. 

2 For this letter see Appendix No. V. 



64 Campaign of General John Burgoyne, 

at the point of the bayonet from a strong abattis within 
the redoubt itself.^ Then, spurring boldly on, exposed 
to the cross fire of the two armies, he darted to the ex- 
treme right of the British camp. 

This right flank defence of the enemy was occupied 
by the Brunswick troops,^ under Breymann, and con- 
sisted of a breast work of rails piled horizontally between 
perpendicular pickets, and extended two hundred yards 
across an open field to some high ground on the right,3 
where it was covered by a battery of two guns. The 
interval from the left of this defence to the Great 
redoubt was intrusted to the care of the Canadian 
Provincials. In front of the east breastwork, the ground 
declined in a gentle slope for one hundred and twenty 
yards when it sunk abruptly. The Americans had 
formed a line under this declivity, and covered breast 
high were warmly engaged with the Germans, when 
about sunset Learned came up with his brigade in open 
column, with Col. Jackson's Massachusetts regiment, 
then in command of Lieut. Gov. Brooks, in front. On 
his approach, he inquired where he could "/>«/ /« with 
most advantage." A slack fire was then observed in 



^ " So severe was the fighting at this point, that an old soldier who was in 
the battle once told me that in the low ground in front of the redoubt, the 
blood and water was knee-deep." — E. R. Freeman to the author. 

2 The statement of Mr. Irving that the Hessians bore the brunt of 
the battles of Freeman's Farm and Saratoga is erroneous. Only one 
Hessian regiment was in these battles, the rest being in Long Island and 
the Southern department. 

3 This high ground is now called Burgoyne's (Breymann's) hill. See note, 
p. 52. 



Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 6c^ 

that part of the enemy's line between the Germans and 
light infantry where were stationed the Provincials, and 
Learned was accordingly requested to incline to the 
right and attack that point. 

This slack fire was owing to the fact that the larger 
part of the Canadian companies belonging to the skir- 
mishing expedition of the morning were absent from 
their posts, part of them being in the Great redoubt 
and the others not having returned to their position. 
Had they been in their places, it would have been im- 
possible, Riedesel thinks, for the left flank of Breymann 
to have been surrounded. Be this as it may, on the 
approach of Learned, the Canadians fled, leaving the 
German flank uncovered ; and at the same moment 
Arnold, arriving from his attack on the Great redoubt, 
took the lead of Learned's brigade, and passing through 
the opening left by the Canadians, attacked the Bruns- 
wickers on their left flank and rear with such success 
that the chivalric Breymann was killed, and they them- 
selves forced to retreat, leaving the key of the British 
position in the hands of the Americans. Lieut. Col. 
Specht, in the Great redoubt, hearing of this disaster, 
hastily rallied four officers and fifty men and started in 
the growing dusk to retake the intrenchment. Unac- 
quainted with the road, he met a pretended royalist in 
the woods, who promised to lead him to Breymann's 
corps, but his guide treacherously delivered him into 
the hands of the Americans, by whom he and the four 
officers were captured. The advantage thus gained was 
retained by the Americans ; and darkness put an end to 



66 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

an action, equally brilliant and important to the Conti- 
nental arms. Great numbers of the enemy were 
killed, and two hundred prisoners taken. Burgoyne him- 
self narrowly escaped, one ball having passed through his 
hat, and another having torn his waistcoat. The loss of 
the Americans was inconsiderable.^ 



VII. 

In their final retreat, the Brunswickers turned and de- 
livered a parting volley, which killed Arnold's horse. 
Just at this moment, a wounded Brunswicker fired at 
Arnold and wounded him in the same leg that had been 
injured by a musket ball at the storming of Quebec, 
two years previously. A private, by the name of John 
Redman, seeing his general wounded, at once ran up to 
bayonet the offender, but was prevented by Arnold, 
who, with true chivalry, exclaimed, " lie's a fine fel- 
low — don't hurt him!"^ At this instant, while Arnold 



^The British and German troops who were killed in this battle were 
slightly covered with earth and brush where they fell, apparently unla- 
mented by friend or foe. " It was not an uncommon thing," says Neilson, 
" after the land was cleared and began to be cultivated, to see five, ten, and 
even twenty human skulls piled up on different stumps about the field." I 
have myself, when a boy, seen human bones thickly strewn about on the 
ground, which had been turned out with the plow. " Near the place where 
Fraser fell, a hole was dug into which the bodies of forty soldiers were 
thrown, after being stripped of their clothing by the women of the Ameri- 
can camp." 

2 This was told in 1848 to Mr Jeptha R. Simms by Nicholas Stoner, 
the celebrated scout, who was an eyewitness of the circumstance. The 
Germans, he says, always continued to fight after they were down, because 



Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 67 

was striving to extricate himself from his saddle, Major 
Armstrong rode up and delivered to him an order from 
Gates to return to camp, fearing he '' might do some 
rash thing." "He indeed," says Air. Lossing, "did a 
rash thing in the eyes of military discipline. He led 
troops to victory without an order from his command- 
er." "It is a curious fact," says Sparks, "that an 
officer, who had really no command in the army, was 
the leader in one of the most spirited and important bat- 
tles of the Revolution. His madness or rashness, or 



they had been assured by their employers that the Americans would give 
no quarter. 

Nicholas Stoner, one of the most noted trappers of" Central New York, 
was among those who followed Arnold into Breymann's camp. He was 
wounded in this charge in a singular manner. " A cannon shot," says 
Simms, who had it from the scout, "from the breastwork killed a soldier 
near Stoner, named Tyrrell. The ba;ll demolished his head, sending its 
fragments into the face of Stoner, which was literally covered with brains, 
hair and fragments of the skull. He fell senseless, with the right of his 
head about the ear severely cut by portions of the skull bone, which injury 
still affects [1848] his .hearing in that ear. Shortly after, as the young 
fifer [Stoner was a fifer] was missing, one Sweeny, an Irish soldier, was sent 
to seek out and bear him from the field 5 but a cannon shot whizzed so 
near his own head, that he soon returned without the object of his search. 
Col. Livingston asked Sweeny where the lad Stoner was ? 'Jasus ! Col- 
onel,' replied the soldier, ' a goose has laid an egg there, and you don't 
catch me staying there !' Lieut Wm. Wallace then proceeded to the 
spot indicated by the Irishman, and found our hero with his head reclining 
upon Tyrrell's thigh j and taking him in his arms, bore him to the Ameri- 
can camp. When young Stoner was found, a portion of the brim of his 
hat, say about one-fourth the size of a nine pound-shot, was observed to 
have been cut off very smoothly j the rest of it was covered with the ruins 
of the head of Tyrrell, who, »"0 use the words of Stoner, ' did not knoiu 
luhat hurt him.'' " 



68 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

whatever it may be called, resulted most fortunately for 
himself. The wounds he received at the moment of 
rushing into the very arms of danger and death, added 
fresh lustre to his military glory, and was a new claim to 
public favor and applause." In the heat of the action, he 
struck an officer on the head with his sword and 
wounded him, an indignity which might justly have been 
retaliated on the spot, and in the most fatal manner. 
The officer did, indeed, raise his gun to shoot him, but 
he forebore, and on the next day when he demanded re- 
dress, Arnold declared his entire ignorance of the act, 
and expressed his regret. Wilkinson ascribed his rash- 
ness to intoxication, but Major Armstrong, who, with 
Samuel Woodruff^ assisted in removing him from the 
field, was satisfied that this was not the case. Others 
ascribed it to opium. This, however, is conjecture un- 
sustained by proofs of any kind, and consequently im- 
probable. His vagaries may perhaps be sufficiently 
explained by the extraordinary circumstances of wounded 
pride, anger and desperation in which he was placed. 
But his actions were certainly rash, when compared with 
" the stately method of the commader-in-chief, who 
directed by orders from his camp, what his presence 
should have sanctioned in the field." 

Indeed, ihe conduct of Gates does not compare 
favorably either with that of his own generals, or of his 
opponents. While Arnold and Burgoyne were in the 
hottest of the fight boldly facing danger and almost 
meeting face to face. Gates, according to the statement 
of his adjutant general, was discussing the merits of the 



Campaign of General John Burgoyne, 69 

Revolution with Sir Francis Gierke, Burgoyne's aid-de- 
camp, who, wounded and a prisoner, was lying upon the 
commander's bed seemingly more intent upon winning 
the verbal than the actual battle. Gates became incensed 
because Sir Francis would not admit the force of his 
argument, and calling his aid out of the room, asked him 
if "he had ever heard so impudent a son of a b — h ?" 
A few days afterward Sir Francis died.^ 

Gates has been suspected of a lack of personal courage.^ 



^ " Sir Francis, who was I think a member of parliament, appeared to 
be an impetuous, high-minded, frank, fearless fellow, for suddenly changing 
the conversation he enquired of me, 'whether our surgeons were good for 
anything, as he did not like the direction of his wound, and was desirous 
to know whether it was mortal or not ?' . . Sir Francis died, I think the 
13th; and the day before, -questioned Doctor Townshend, who attended 
him, as to the probable result of his wound. The doctor feeling a reluctance 
in announcing his doom, he observed it, and remarked, ' Doctor why do you 
pause ? Do you think I am afraid to die ?' The doctor then advised him, as 
an act of prudence, to arrange his private affairs. ' Thank you, doctor,' 
replied he, ' I understand you. As to my private affairs, my father settled 
them for me, and I have only a few legacies to bequeath.' Among them 
he gave twenty guineas to the matron of our hospital, who had paid particu- 
lar attention to him. Some time after the conversation, the matron pre- 
sented her claim to Captain Money, the British deputy-quarter-master 
general, who discharged it in Continental bills then at a considerable depreciation. 
The woman complained of the circumstance, and was recommended to 
General Burgoyne, who expressed his abhorrence of the act, directed the 
woman to hold the Continental bills, and obliged Money to atone for the 
imposition, by paying the egacy in hard guineas of British coinage, ivithout 
reference to the sum he had already paid her — which a due regard to justice 
and the memory of his much lamented friend would not permit him to 
consider as the accomplishment of Sir Francis's intention." — Wilki'nson. 

2 " ' I will bring the rascals back with me into line,' exclaimed Gates, as 
the militia broke and fled at Camden 3 and, leaving Kalb to bear the brunc 

7 



70 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

He certainly looked forward to a possible retreat ; and, 
while he cannot be censured for guarding against every 
emergency, he, to say the least, was not animated by the 
spirit which led Cortez to burn his ships behind him. 
At the beginning of the battle Quarter Master General 
Lewis was directed to take eight men with him to the field 
to convey to Gates information from time to time concern- 
ing the progress of the action. At the same time, the 
baggage trains were all loaded up ready to move at a 
moment's notice. The first information that arrived, 
represented the British troops to exceed the Americans, 
and the trains were ordered to move on ; but by the time 
they were under motion, more favorable news was 
received, and the order was countermanded. Thus they 
continued to move on and halt alternately until the joyful 
news — " The British have retreated" — rang through 
the camp, which reaching the attentive guard of the 
teamsters, they all with one accord swung their hats, and 
gave three long and loud cheers. The glad tidings were 
transmitted with such rapidity from one to another that 
by the time the victorious troops had returned to their 
quarters, the American camp was thronged with inhabit- 
ants from the surrounding country and formed a scene 
of the greatest exultation. 

From the foregoing account it will be seen that the 
term Battle of Bemis's Heights^ used to designate the 
action of October 7th is erroneous, and calculated to 



of the attack, he spurred after them, not drawing rein till he reached 
Charlotte, sixty miles from the field of battle !" — Green's German Element 
in the JVar of American Independence. 



Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 7 1 

mislead. The original maps show that the second en- 
gagement began on ground two hundred and twenty-five 
rods southwest of the site of the first (known as the 
battle of Freeman's farm) and ended on the same ground 
on which that action was fought. The only interest, in 
fact, that attaches to Bemis's heights — fully one mile 
and a quarter south of the battle ground — is, that they 
were the head-quarters of Gates during, and a short time 
previous, to the battle. This is called variously the 
" Battle of Stillwater, Bemis's Heights, and of Saratoga." 

VIII. 

On the morning of the 8th, before daybreak, Bur- 
goyne left his position, now utterly untenable, and defiled 
on to the meadows by the river where were his supply 
trains, but was obliged to delay his retreat until the even- 
ing because his hospital could not be sooner removed. 
He wished also to avail himself of the darkness. The 
Americans immediately moved forward and took pos- 
session of the abandoned camp. Burgoyne, having con- 
densed his forces upon some heights which were strong 
by nature, and covered by a ravine running parallel with 
the entrenchments of his late camp, a random fire of 
artillery and small arms was kept up through the day, 
particularly on the part of the German chasseurs and the 
Provincials. These stationed in coverts of the ravine 
kept up an annoying fire upon every one crossing their 
line of vision, and it was by a shot from one of these 
lurking parties, that General Lincoln received a severe 
wound in the leg while riding near the line. It was 



72 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

evident from the movements of the British that they vi^ere 
preparing to retreat ; but the American troops, having, 
in the deUrium of joy consequent upon their victory, 
neglected to draw and eat their rations, and being withal 
not a little fatigued with the two days' exertions, fell back 
to their camp which had been left standing in the morn- 
ing. Retreat, was, indeed, the only alternative left to the 
British" commander, since it was now quite certain that 
he could not cut his Vv^ay through the American army, 
and his supplies were reduced to a short allowance for 
five days. 

Meanwhile, in addition to the chagrin of defeat, a 
deep gloom pervaded the British camp. The gallant 
and beloved Fraser, the life and soul of the army, lay 
dying in the little farm-house on the river bank occupied 
by Mrs. General Riedesel.^ 

General Fraser had been borne off the field supported 
by two soldiers, one on each side of his horse. "When he 
arrived in camp," says Lamb, "the officers all anxiously 



^ The quarters which Mrs. Riedesel then occupied, and in which General 
Fraser died — known then as the Taylor house, and since as the 
Smith house, was situated three miles and a half south of Fish creek, 
and about one hundred rods north of Wilbur's basin or the old Ensign store. 
At the time of the battle, it stood by the side of the old road to Stillwater, 
on the west margin of the intervale at the foot of the hill on which General 
Fraser was buried. When, some years afterward, the present turnpike was con- 
structed, running twenty rods from the old road, the latter was discontinued, 
and a Mr. Smith (who had purchased the old house) drew it to the west 
side of the turnpike and turned it into a tavern. It stood until within four 
years, when it was torn down. The foundations can yet be seen. In 
1820, the late Theodore Dwight visited the spot, and made a drawing of 
it, which has been engraved and is here given on the opposite page. 



74 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

inquired as to his wound ; but the downcast look and 
melancholy that were visible to every one too plainly 
spoke his situation, and all the answer he could make to 
the many inquiries, was a shake of his head, expressive 
that all was over with him. So much was he beloved, 
that even the women flocked round, solicitous for his 
fate. When he reached his tent, and was recovered a 
little from the faintness occasioned by the loss of blood, 
he told those around him, that he saw the man who shot 
him j he was a rifleman, and aimed from a tree. After 
the surgeon had dressed his wound he said to him very 
composedly, ' Tell me, to the best of your skill and 
judgment, if you think my wound is mortal ? ' when he 
replied, 'I aTi sorry, sir, to inform you, that it is ; and 
that you cannot possibly live more than twenty-four 
hours,' the general called for pen, ink, and paper, and 
after making his will, and distributing a hw little tokens 
to the oflicers of his suite, desired that he might be re- 
moved to the general hospital." 

Mrs. Riedesel, whose " charming blue eyes," General 
Wilkinson says, he has often seen bedewed with tears 
at the recital of her sufferings — has described the last 
scene in the life of this unfortunate officer with such 
unaffected pathos, that we give it in her own words, 
simply premising that on the previous day she had ex- 
pected Burgoyne, Phillips and Fraser to dine with her 
after their return from the reconnaissance of the morning. 
Mrs. Reidesel says : 

*•' About four o'clock in the afternoon, instead of the 
guests who were to have dined with us, they brought 
in to me, upon a litter, poor General Fraser mortally 



Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 7 5 

wounded. Our dining table, which was ah'eady spread, 
was taken away, and in its place, they fixed up a bed for 
the general. I sat in a corner of the room trembling 
and quaking. The noises grew continually louder. 
The thought that they might bring my husband in the 
same manner was to me dreadful, and tormented me in- 
cessantly. The general said to the surgeon, ' do not 
conceal anything from me, must I die ? ' The ball had 
gone through his bowels precisely as in the case of iVlajor 
Harnage. Unfortunately, however, the general had 
eaten a hearty breakfast, by reason of which the intes- 
tines were distended, and the ball had gone through them. 
I heard him often, amidst his groans exclaim, ' oh fatal 
ambition ! Poor General Burgoyne ! My poor wife ! ' 
Prayers were read to him. He then sent a message to 
General Burgoyne begging that he would have him buried 
the following day at six o'clock in the evening, on the 
top of a hill, which was a sort of a redoubt. 

" I knew no longer which way to turn. The whole 
entry was filled with the sick who were suffering with 
the camp-sickness, a kind of dysentery. I spent the 
night in this manner, at one time comforting Lady 
Ackland, whose husband was wounded, and a prisoner, 
and at another looking upon my children, whom I had 
put to bed. As for myself, I could not go to sleep, as 
I had General Fraser, and all the other gentlemen in my 
room, and was constantly afraid that my children would 
wake up and cry, and thus disturb the poor dying man, 
who often sent to beg my pardon for making me so much 
trouble. About three o'clock in the morning, they told 



7 6 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

me that he could not last much longer. I had desired, 
to be apprised of the approach of this moment. I ac- 
cordingly wrapped. up the children in the coverings and 
went with them into the entry. Early in the morning, 
at eight o'clock, he died." 

General Fraser belonged to the house of Lovatt, 
whose family name was Fraser. The Earl of Lovatt 
was one of the noblemen who were compromised by the 
rebellion of the last Stuart pretender, and whose fortunes 
were reversed at the battle of Culloden in 1795. Gen- 
eral Fraser, a scion of the house, of a sanguine tempera- 
ment, ardent and ambitious, entered the army, and became 
so distinguished for his military ability, as to be advanced 
to the rank of brigadier general, and was selected for a 
command in Burgoyne's expedition. He had received 
intimations that if the enterprise were successful, the 
government would revoke the act of attainder, and re- 
store to him the family title and estates. With a know- 
ledge of these facts, it is easy to understand the meaning 
of the wounded general's exclamations as he lay waiting 
for death in the little Taylor farm house, the first 
alluding to the sad extinction of his own cherished hopes 
of well earned position and renown ; the second betray- 
ing his anxiety for his commander, whose impending 
disgrace he clearly foresaw.'^ 



^ In this connection, the reader will doubtless recall the last words of the 
Hessian colonel, Donop, who fell at the battle of Red Bank, N. J., Oct. 
22, of the same year, aged 37. He was found by the French officer, Capt. 
Duplesse, lying helpless on the battle-field among the dead and wounded, 
and brought to the house of a Quaker, where he lay three days in agony 



Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 'j'] 

" After they had washed the corpse," Mrs. Riedesel 
continues, " they wrapped it in a sheet, and laid it on a 
bedstead. We then again came into the room, and had 
this sad sight before us the whole day. At every instant, 
also, wounded officers of my acquaintance arrived, and 
the cannonade again began. A retreat was spoken of, 
but there was not one movement made towards it. 
About four o'clock in the afternoon I saw the new house 
which had been built for me in flames ; the enemy 
therefore were not far from us. We learned that Gene- 
ral Burgoyne intended to fulfill the last wish of General 
Fraser and to have him buried at six o'clock, in the place 
designated by him. This occasioned an unnecessary 
delay, to which a part of the misfortunes of the army 
was owing. Precisely at six o'clock the corpse was 
brought out, and we saw the entire body of generals with 
their retinues assisting at the obsequies. The English 
chaplain, Mr, Brudenel, performed the funeral services. 
The cannon balls flew continually around and over the 
party. ^ The American general, Gates, afterward said 



before he expired. Almost his last words to Duplesse, who had ten- 
derly nursed him were : " I die in the arms of honor — a sudden termi- 
nation for a glorious career 5 but I die the victim of my ambition, and of 
the avarice of my prince !" 

^ These shots were fired from the rising ground above the eastern shore, 
almost opposite the scene of the interment, and not, as some have thought, 
from Willard's mountain. This last is quite an elevated portion of land 
about three miles north-east of Wilbur's basin and derives its name from 
the following fact : " At the time Burgoyne, with his veteran army, was 
encamped at and near Wilbur's basin, a man by the name of Willard, in 
company with a few others, took a good spyglass, and went to the top of 



7 8 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

that if he had known that it was a burial he would not 
have allowed any firing in that direction. Many cannon 
balls also flew not far from me, but I had my eyes fixed 
upon the hill, where I distinctly saw my husband in the 
midst of the enemy's fire, and therefore I could not 
think of my own danger." Certainly, says General 
Riedesel in his journal, "it was a real military funeral, 
one that was unique of its kind." 

General Burgoyne has himself described this funeral 
with his usual eloquence and felicity of expression. "The 
incessant cannonading during the solemnity, the steady 
attitude and unaltered voice with which the chaplain 
officiated, though frequently covered with dust, which 
the shot threw up on all sides of him, the mute but 
expressive mixture of sensibility and indignation upon 
the mind of every man who was present, the grow- 
ing duskiness added to the scenery, and the whole 
marked a character of that juncture that would make 
one of the finest subjects for the pencil of a master that 
the field ever exhibited. To the canvas, and to the 



this mountain, for the purpose of ascertaining, as near as possible, the num- 
ber of the British troops, the situation of their camp, and to watch their 
movements, and made his reports accordingly 5 which, it was said, were 
of much benefit to the Americans, and from which circumstance it has 
ever since retained the appellation of ' Willard's mountain,' " 

The. precise spot where Fraser was buried, is now (1877) marked by two 
tall pines, which stand like two grim sentinels over the remains of the 
gallant general. The hills on the top of which the latter was buried, 
stands some forty rods west of the river-road from Schuylerville to Still- 
water, and about two hundred rods north of Wilbur's basin. The Cham- 
plain canal passes close to its base. For an incident connected with the 
tradition of the removal of Fraser's remains see Appendix No. V. 



Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 79 

faithful pen of a more important historian, gallant friend ! 
I consign thy memory. There may thy talents, thy 
manly virtues, their progress and their period find due 
distinction, and long may they survive, long after the 
frail record of my pen shall be forgotten ! " 



IX. 

As soon as the funeral services were finished and the 
grave closed, an order was issued that the army should 
retreat as soon as darkness had set in ; and the com- 
mander, who, in the beginning of the campaign, had 
vauntingly uttered in general orders that memorable 
sentiment, " Britons never retreat," was now com- 
pelled to steal away in the night, leaving his hospital 
containing four hundred and sixty sick and wounded, to 
the mercy of a victorious and hitherto despised enemy. 
Gates in this, as in all other instances, extended to his 
former companion in arms the greatest humanity. 

The army begun its retrograde movement at nine 
o'clock in the evening of the 8th in the midst of a pouring 
rain, Riedesel leading the van, and Phillips bringing up the 
rear with the advanced corps. All deplored the loss of 
Fraser who had always shown "as great skill in manag- 
ing a retreat as bravery in leading an attack." Indeed, 
he used frequently to say that if the army had the mis- 
fortune to retreat, he would ensure, with the advanced 
corps, to bring it off in safety. This was a piece of 
generalship of which he was not a little vain, having, 
during the Seven years' war, made good his retreat with 
five hundred chasseurs in sight of the French army. 



8o Campaign of General John Burgoyne, 

In this retreat, the same lack of judgment on the part 
of Burgoyne is apparent. Had that general, as Riedesel 
and Phillips advised, fallen immediately back across the 
Hudson and taken up his former position behind the 
Batten kil, not only would his communications with Lake 
George and Canada have been restored, but he could, at 
his leisure, have awaited the movements of Clinton. Bur- 
goyne, however, having arrived at Dovegat two hours 
before daybreak on the morning of the gth, gave the order 
to halt, greatly to the surprise of his whole army. " Every 
one," says the journal of Riedesel, " was, notwithstanding, 
then of the opinion, that the army would make but a 
short stand, merely for its better concentration, as all 
saw that haste was of the utmost necessity, if they would 
get out of a dangerous trap." 

At this time the heights of Saratoga, commanding the 
ford across Fish creek, were not yet occupied by the 
Americans in force ; and up to seven o'clock in the morn- 
ing, the retreating army might easily have reached that 
place, and thrown a bridge across the Hudson. General 
Fellows, who, by the orders of Gates, occupied the 
heights at Saratoga opposite the ford, was in an extremely 
critical situation. On the night of the 8th, Lieut. Col. 
Southerland, who had been sent forward to reconnoitre, 
crossed Fish creek, and guided by General Fellows's fires, 
found his camps so entirely unguarded, that he marched 
round it without being challenged. He then returned 
and, reporting to Burgoyne, entreated permission to attack 
Fellows with his regiment, but was refused. " Had not 
Burgoyne halted at Dovegat," says Wilkinson, " he must 



82 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

have reached Saratoga before day, in which case Fellows 
would have been cut up and captured or dispersed, and 
Burgoyne's retreat to Fort George would have been un- 
obstructed. As it was, however, Burgoyne's army reached 
Saratoga, just as the rear of our militia was ascending 
the opposite bank of the Hudson, where they took post 
and prevented its passage." Burgoyne, however, although 
within half an hour's march of Saratoga, gave the surpris- 
ing order that *' the army should bivouac in two lines, 
and await the day." 

Mr. Bancroft ascribes this delay to the fact that Bur- 
goyne " was still clogged with his artillery and baggage, 
and that the night was dark, and the roads weakened by 
rain." But according to the universal testimony of all 
the manuscript journals extant, the road which up to 
this time was sufficiently strong for the passage of the 
baggage and artillery trains, became, during the halt, 
so bad by the continued rain, that when the army again 
moved at four o'clock in the afternoon, it was obliged to 
leave behind the tents and camp equipage, which fell 
most opportunely into the hands of the Americans. 
Aside, however, from this, it is a matter of record that 
the men, through their officers, pleaded with Burgoyne 
to be allowed to proceed, notwithstanding the storm and 
darkness ; while the officers themselves pronounced the 
delay " madness." But whatever were the motives of 
the English general this delay lost him his army, and 
perhaps the British crown her American colonies. 

During the halt at Dovegats, there occurred one of 
those incidents which relieve with fairer Ho-hts and softer 



Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 83 

tints the gloomy picture of war. Lady Harriet Ackland 
had, like the Baroness Riedesel, accompanied her husband 
to America and gladly shared with him the vicissitudes 
of campaign life.^ Major John Dyke Ackland, a son 
of Sir Thomas Ackland, was a roug^h, blunt man, but a 
gallant soldier and devoted husband, and she loved him 
dearly. She had already been subjected to great incon- 
venience and distress before the army arrived at Saratoga. 
She had been distinguished by her devotion and unre- 
mitting attention to her husband, when he lay sick at 
Chamblee in a miserable hut. She was, indeed, not 
only the idol of her husband but, together with the 
Baroness Riedesel, shared the admiration of the whole 
army, continually making little presents to the officers 
belonging to the major's corps, whenever she had any- 
thing among her stores that she thought would gratify 



I " While the British army on their advance were encamped at Dovegat 
(Coveville), Major Ackland's tent took fire, and Lady Harriet and himself 
were nearly lost in the flames. The major being with the advance guard, 
and obliged to be very diligent in attending to his command, in consequence 
of the difficulty and danger of his position, kept a candle burning in his 
tent. A Newfoundland dog, of which they were very fond, unfortunately 
pushed the candle from a table or chair where it was standing ; it fell 
against the side of the tent, and instantly the whole was in a blaze. A 
soldier who was keeping guard near them, rushed in and dragged Major 
Ackland from the flames, while Lady Harriet crept out almost unconsciously 
through the back part of the tent. When she looked round she saw with 
horror her husband rushing into the flames in search of her. Again the 
soldier brought him out, though not without considerable injury to both. 
Everything in the tent was consumed j but the major and his lady were 
too happy to see each other in safety to regret the loss of their camp equi- 
page." — Neihon. 



84 Campaign of General John Burgoyne, 

them. In return she received from them every atten- 
tion which could mitigate the hardships she daily en- 
countered. Again, when her husband was wounded at 
Hubbardton, she carefully watched over him until he 
was restored to health. The moment she heard of his 
wound, she hastened from Montreal, where she had 
intended to remain, and crossed the lake in opposition 
to her husband's injunctions, resolved to share his fate 
and be separated from him no more. And now, ever 
since he had been wounded and taken prisoner in the 
action of the 7th, she had been in sore distress, and it 
had required all the comforting attentions of the baroness 
to reassure her. As soon as the army halted, by the 
advice of the latter, she determined to visit the American 
camp, and implore the permission of its commander to 
join her husband, and by her presence alleviate his 
sufferings. 

Accordingly, on the 9th, she requested permission of 
Burgoyne to depart. " Though I was ready to believe," 
says that general, " that patience and fortitude in a 
supreme degree were to be found, as well as every other 
virtue, under the most tender forms, I was astonished at 
this proposal. After so long an agitation of spirits, 
exhausted not only for want of rest, but absolutely want 
of food, drenched in rains for twelve hours together, that 
a woman should be capable of such an undertaking as 
delivering herself to an enemy probably in the night, 
and uncertain of what hands she might fall into, appeared 
an effort above human nature. The assistance I was 
enabled to give was small indeed. All I could furnish 



Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 85 

to her was an open boat, and a {q\n lines, written upon 
dirty wet paper to General Gates, recommending her to 
his protection." ^ 

In the midst of a driving autumnal storm, and with 
nothing but a little spirits and water, obtained from the 
wife of a soldier, to sustain her. Lady Ackland set out 
at dusk in an open boat for the American camp, accom- 
panied by Mr. Brudcnell the chaplain, her waiting maid, 
and her husband's valet. At ten o'clock, they reached 
the American advanced guard under the command of 
Major Henry Dearborn. Lady Ackland, herself, hailed 
the sentinel, and as soon as the bateau struck the shore, 
the party were immediately conveyed into the log-cabin 
of the major, who had been ordered to detain the flag 
until the morning, the night being exceedingly dark, and 
the quality of the lady unknown. Major Dearborn 
gallantly gave up his room to his guest, a fire was kindled, 
a cup of tea provided, and as soon as Lady Ackland made 
herself known, her mind was relieved from its anxiety 
by the assurance of her husband's safety. " I visited," 
says Adjutant General Wilkinson, " the guard before 
sunrise. Lady Ackland's boat had put off, and was 
floating down the stream to our camp, where General 
Gates, whose gallantry will not be denied, stood ready to 
receive her with all the tenderness and respect to which 



^ Nor was it in the higlier walks of life only that female heroism and 
conjugal devotion were displayed. Lamb relates an instance of the confine- 
ment of a Serjeant's wife in the woods near Lake George through which 
she was going in pursuit of her husband then in Burgoyne's army at Fort 
Miller. For this in detail see Appendix No. XV. 



86 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

her rank and condition gave her a claim. Indeed, the 
feminine figure, the benign aspect, and polished man- 
ners of the charming woman, were alone sufficient 
to attract the sympathy of the most obdurate ; but if 
another motive could have been wanting to inspire respect, 
it was furnished by the peculiar circumstances of Lady 
Harriet, then in" that most delicate situation, which can- 
not fail to interest the solicitude of every being possess- 
ing the form and feelings of a man." The kindness 
which had been shown to his wife. Major Ackland re- 
ciprocated, while in parole in New York, by doing all 
in his power to mitigate the sufferings of the American 
prisoners. His end was particularly sad. On his return 
to England, he was killed in a duel to which he had been 
challenged for warmly defending American courage 
against the aspersions of a brother officer. Lady Ack- 
land became insane, and remained so two years, when, 
having recovered, she married the chaplain, Brudenell. 

X. 

On the evening of the 9th, the main portion of the 
drenched and weary army forded Fish creek waist deep, 
and bivouacked in a wretched position in the open air on 
the opposite bank. Burgoyne remained on the south side 
of the creek, with Hamilton's brigade as a guard, and 
passed the night in the mansion of General Schuyler. 
The officers slept on the ground with no other covering 



* As every thing connected with bliis devoted wife must be of interest, 
the reader is referred to Appendix No. VII for some particulars of her after 
life. 



Campaign of General John Biirgoyne. 87 

than oilcloth. Nor did their wives fare better. " I was 
wet," says the Baroness Riedesel, " through and through 
by the frequent rains, and was obliged to remain in this 
condition the entire night, as I had no place whatever, 
where I could change my linen. I therefore seated my- 
self before a good fire and undressed my children, after 
which we laid down together upon some straw. I asked 
General Phillips who came up to where we were, why 
we did not continue our retreat while there was yet time, 
as my husband had pledged himself to cover it, and bring 
the army through ? ' Poor woman ! ' answered he, ' I 
am amazed at you ! completely wet through, have you 
still the courage to wish to go further in this weather ! 
Would that you were our commanding general ! He 
halts because he is tired, and intends to spend the night 
here and give us a supper.' " 

Burgoyne, however, would not think of a further ad- 
vance that night ; and while his army were suffering 
from cold and hunger, and every one was looking for- 
ward to the immediate future with apprehension, " the 
illuminated mansion of General Schuyler," says the 
Brunswick Journal, " rang with singing, laughter, and 
the gingling of glasses. There Burgoyne was sitting 
with some merry companions, at a dainty supper, while 
the champagne was flowing. Near him sat the beautiful 
wife of an English commissary, his mistress.^ Great as 



^ Were this statement made by Mrs. Riedesel only — for she states the 
same thing — instead of by the Brunswick Journal, it might be neces- 
sary to receive it with caution, since her prejudices sometimes unintention- 
ally led her into extremes. Mr. Fonblanque, however, in his admirable Life 



8 8 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

the calamity was, the frivolous general still kept up his 
orgies. Some were even of opinion that he had merely 
made that inexcusable stand for the sake of passing a 
merry night. Riedesel thought it his duty to remind his 
general of the danger of the halt, but the latter returned 
all sorts of evasive answers." This statement is cor- 
roborated by Mrs. Riedesel who also adds, "the following 
day General Burgoyne repaid the hospitable shelter of 
Schuyler's mansion by burning it, with its valuable barns 
and mills, to the ground, under pretence that he might be 
better able to cover his retreat, but others say, out of 
mean revenge on the American general." ^ 

But the golden moment had fled. On the following 
morning, the loth, it was discovered th-at the Americans 
under Fellows were in possession of the Batten kil, on the 



and Correspondence of General Burgoyne, recently published, admits this by 
implication, but seeks to leave the impression that the champagne and 
the " flirtation," as he calls it, were indulged in by the British general to 
relieve the mental agony consequent upon his defeat. Mr. Fonblanque's 
book is characterized by great fairness and liberality — a circumstance which 
should commend it to American readers. 

^ Lamb who was present at the time of the fire claims, on the contrary, 
that the burning of the barns was purely accidental, and of the house, the 
rasult of military necessity. For Lamb's version of the affair which, in 
justice to Burgoyne, should be read, see Appendix, No. VIH. 

The present Schuyler mansion which was rebuilt soon after by Schuyler, 
stands a few yards northeast of the site of the one burned by Burgoyne. 
The timber for it was cut down and drawn from the forest, and the house 
rebuilt and put in complete readiness for the reception of the family in the 
space of fifteen days ! Schuyler, however, had the assistance of the entire 
army of Gates for this purpose. This fact was related to the author by 
Mr. Strover, who now owns and occupies the house, and who also was in 
Gates's army. 



Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 89 

opposite side of the Hudson ; and Burgoyne, considering 
it too hazardous to attempt the passage of the river, 
ordered the army to occupy the same quarters on 
the heights of Saratoga, which they had used on first 
crossing the river on the 13th of September. At the 
same time, he sent ahead a working party to open a 
road to Fort Edward, his intention being to continue his 
retreat along the west bank of the Hudson river to the 
front of that fort, force a passage across and take pos- 
session of the post. Col. Cochran, however, had 
already garrisoned it with two hundred men, and the 
detachment hastly fell back upon the camp. 

XI. 

Meanwhile, General Gates, who had begun the pur- 
suit at noon of the lOth with his main army, reached the 
high ground south of Fish creek, at four the same after- 
noon. The departure of Burgoyne's working party for 
Fort Edward led him to believe that the entire British 
army were in full retreat having left only a small guard 
to protect their baggage. Acting upon this impression, 
he ordered Nixon and Glover, with their brigades, to 
cross the creek early next morning, under cover of the 
fog which at this time of year usually prevails till after 
sunrise, and attack the British camp. The English 
general had notice of this plan, and placing a battery in 
position, he posted his troops in ambush behind the 
thickets along the banks of the creek ; and concealed 
also by the fog, waited the attack confident of victory. 
At early daylight, Morgan, who had again been selected 



90 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

to begin the action, crossed the creek with his men, on 
a raft of floating logs, and falling in with a British 
picket, was fired upon, losing a lieutenant, and two 
privates. This led him to believe that the main body 
of the enemy had not moved, in which case, with the 
creek in his rear, enveloped by a dense fog and unac- 
quainted with the ground, he felt his position to be most 
critical. Meanwhile, the whole army advanced as far as 
the south bank of the creek and halted. Nixon, how- 
ever, wh@ was in advance, had already crossed the stream 
near its confluence with the Hudson, and captured a 
picket of sixty men, and a number of bateaux, and 
Glover was preparing to follow him, when a deserter 
from the enemy confirmed the suspicions of Morgan. 
This was corroborated a few moments afterward, by 
the capture of a reconnoitering party of thirty-five men 
by the advanced guard under Captain Goodale of Put- 
nam's regiment, who, discerning them through the fog 
just as he neared the opposite bank, charged and took 
them without firing a gun. Gates was at this time at 
his headquarters a mile and a half in the rear ; and be- 
fore intelligence could be sent to him, the fog cleared 
up, and exposed the entire British army under arms. 
A heavy fire of artillery and musketry was immediately 
opened upon Nixon's brigade, and they retreated in con- 
siderable disorder across the creek. 

General Learned had, in the meantime, reached Mor- 
gan's corps, with his own and Patterson's brigade, and 
was advancing rapidly to the attack, in obedience to a 
standing order issued the day before " that in case of an 
attack against any point, whether in front, flank or 



Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 9 1 

rear, the troops are to fall upon the enemy at all quar- 
ters." He had arrived within two hundred yards of 
Burgoyne's battery, and in a few moments more, would 
have been eno;ao;ed at great disadvantage, when Wilkin- 
son reached him with the news that the right wing un- 
der Nixon had given way, and that it would be prudent 
to retreat — The brave old general hesitated to comply. 
" Our brethren," said he, " are engaged on the right, and 
the standing order is to attack." 

In this dilemma Wilkinson exclaimed to one of 
Gates's aides standing near, " Tell the general that his 
own fame and the interests of tHe cause are at hazard ; 
that his presence is necessary with the troops." Then 
turning to Learned, he continued, " our troops on the 
right have retired, and the fire you hear is from the 
enemy ; although I have no orders for your retreat, I 
pledge my life for the general's approbation." By this 
time several field officers had joined the group, and a 
consultation being held, the proposition to retreat was 
approved. Scarcely had they turned about when the 
enemy, who, expecting their advance had been watching 
their movements with shouldered arms, fired and killed 
an officer and several men before they made good their 
retreat. 

Had the plan of the English general succeeded, it is 
difficult to say what might have been the result. With 
the brigades of Nixon, Glover, Learned, and Patterson 
cut off, and with the consequent demoralization of the 
American army, his retreat would have been rendered 
less difficult, or, retracing his steps, he might possibly 



92 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

have entered Albany in triumph. He himself called it 
" one of the most adverse strokes of fortune during the 
campaign." 

The ground occupied by the two armies after this en- 
gagement, resembled a vast amphitheatre — the Brit- 
ish occupying the arena, and the Americans the ele- 
vated surroundings. Burgoyne's camp, upon the mead- 
ows and the heights of Saratoga north of Fish creek, 
was fortified and extended half a mile parallel with the 
river, most of its heavy artillery being on an elevated 
plateau, northeast of the village of Schuyierville. On 
the American side, Morgan' and his sharpshooters were 
posted on still higher ground west of the British, extend- 
ing along their entire rear. On the east or opposite 
bank of the Hudson, Fellows, with three thousand men, 
was strongly entrenched behind heavy batteries ; while 
Gates, with the main body of the Continentals, lay on the 
high ground south of Fish creek and parallel with it. On 
the north, Fort Edward was held by Stark with two 
thousand men, and between that post and Fort George 
in the vicinity of Glen's Falls, the Americans had a 
fortified camp ; while from the surrounding country, 
large bodies of yeomanry flocked in, and voluntarily 
posted themselves up and down the river. The "trap" 
which Riedesel had foreseen, was already sprung. 

The Americans, impatient of delay, urged Gates to at- 
tack the British camp, but that general, now assured 
that the surrender of Burgoyne was only a question of 
time, and unwilling needlessly to sacrifice his men, re- 
fused to accede to their wishes, and quietly awaited 
the course of events. 



Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 93 

XII. 

The beleaguered army was now constantly under fire 
both in its flanks and rear and in the front. The out- 
posts were continually engaged with those of the Ameri- 
cans ; and many of the patrols, detached to keep up 
communication between the centre and right wing, were 
taken prisoners. The captured bateaux were of great 
use to the Americans who were now enabled to transport 
troops across the river at pleasure and reinforce the 
posts on the road to Fort Edward. Every hour the 
position of the British grew more desperate, and the 
prospect of escape less. There was na place of safety 
for the baggage, and the ground was covered with dead 
horses that had been killed by the enemy's round shot 
and bullets, or by exhaustion, as there had been no forage 
for four days. Even for the wounded there was no spot 
that could afford a safe shelter, while the surgeon was 
binding up their wounds. The whole camp became a 
scene of constant fighting. The soldier dare not lay 
aside his arms night or day, except to exchange his gun 
for the spade, when new entrenchments were to be 
thrown up. He was also debarred of water although 
close to Fish creek and the river, it being at the hazard 
of his life in the day time to get any, from the number of 
sharpshooters Morgan had posted in trees ; and at night 
he was sure to be taken prisoner if he attempted it. All 
the water accessible was from a muddy spring, and 
what could be obtained out of the holes the cattle made 
with their feet ; while by way of luxury, when it rained 
9 



94 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

hard, the men used to catch it in their caps to mix with 
their flour. Without tents to shelter them from the 
heavy and incessant rains, the sick and wounded would 
drag themselves along into a quiet corner of the woods 
and lie down and die upon the damp ground. Nor 
were they safe even here, since, every little while, a ball 
would come crashing down among the trees. The few 
houses that were at the foot of the heights were nearest 
to the fire from Fellows's batteries, notwithstanding which 
the wounded officers and men crawled hither, seeking 
protection in the cellars. In one of these cellars the 
Baroness Riedesel ministered to the sufferers like an 
angel of light and comfort. She made them broth, 
dressed their wounds, purified the atmosphere by sprink- 
ling vinegar on hot coals, and was ever ready to perform 
any friendly service, even such from which the sensitive 
nature of a woman will recoil. Once, while thus en- 
gaged, a furious cannonade was opened upon the house 
under the impression that it was the headquarters of the 
English commander. "Alas," says Mrs. Riedesel, "it 
harbored none but wounded men and women." Eleven 
cannon balls went through the house, and those in the 
cellar could plainly hear them crashing through the walls 
over head. One poor fellow, by the name of Jones, a 
British surgeon whose leg they were about to amputate 
in the room above, had his other leg taken off by one of 
these cannon balls in the very midst of the operations 
Often General Riedesel wished to withdraw his wife 
from danger by sending her to the American camp, but 
the latter remonstrated with him on the ground that to 
be with people whom she would be obliged to treat with 




Present (1877) appearance of the house, in the cellar of which 
Mrs. Riedesel stayed during the cannonade. 




The Cellar. 



g6 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

courtesy, while, perhaps, he was being killed, would be 
even vet more painful than all she was then forced to 
suffer. The greatest suffering was experienced by the 
wounded from thirst, which was not relieved until a sol- 
dier's wife volunteered to bring water from the river. 
This she continued to do with safety, the Americans 
gallantly withholding their fire whenever she appeared. 

Meanwhile, order grew more and more lax, and the 
greatest misery prevailed throughout the entire army. 
The commissaries neglected to distribute provisions 
among the troops, and although there were cattle still 
left, not one had been killed. More than thirty officers 
came to the baroness for food,^ forced to this step from 
sheer starvation, one of them a Canadian, being so 
weak as to be unable to stand. She divided among them 
all the provisions at hand ; and having exhausted her store 
without satisfying them, in an agony of despair, she called 
to Adjutant General Petersham, one of Burgoyne's 
aides, who chanced to be passing at the time, and said to 
him passionately, " Come and see for yourself these 
officers who have been wounded in the common cause, 
and are now in want of everything that is due them. 
It is your duty to make a representation of this to the 
general." A quarter of an hour afterward, Burgoyne, 
himself, came to Mrs. Riedesel, and thanked her for re- 
minding him of his duty. In reply, she apologized for 
meddling with things, she well knew, were out of a 
woman's province j still, it was impossible, she said, for her 
to keep silent, when she saw so many brave men in want 
of food, and had nothing more to give them. " There- 



Campaign of General John Burgoyne, 97 

upon," says the baroness, " he thanked me once more 
(though I beheve in his heart, he has never forgiven me 
the lashing I gave him), and went from me to the officers, 
and said to them that he was very sorry for what had 
happened and that he had now, through an order, remedied 
everything, but why had they not come to him, as his 
cook was always at their service ? " They replied, that 
English officers were not accustomed to visit the kitchen 
of their general, and that they had " gratefully received 
every morsel from Mrs. Riedesel as they felt that she 
gave it to them directly from her heart." 

On the afternoon of the 12th, Burgoyne held a con- 
sultation with Riedesel, Phillips, and the two brigadiers, 
Hamilton and Gall, to whom he submitted the choice of 
one of the following courses : 

" I. To wait in the present position an attack from 
the enemy, or the chance of favorable events. 

" 2. To attack the enemy. 

" 3. To retreat, repairing the bridges as the army 
moves, for the artillery, in order to force the passage of 
the ford. 

"4. To retreat by night, leaving the artillery and the 
baggage ; and should it be found impracticable to force 
the passage with musketry, to attempt the upper ford or 
the passage round Lake George. 

"5. In case the enemy, by extending to their left, 
leave their rear open, to march rapidly upon Albany." 

The want of provisions rendered the first proposition 
inadmissible ; while to break through the superior num- 
bers of an enemy strongly posted and entrenched in every 



98 Campaign of General John Burgoyne, 

point was desperate and hopeless. In view of this, 
Riedesel strongly urged the adoption of the fourth pro- 
position, and suggested, that the baggage should be 
left and a retreat begun on the west side of the 
Hudson ; and, as Fort Edward had been reinforced by 
a strong detachment of the Americans, he further pro- 
posed to cross the river four miles above that fort 
and continue the march to Ticonderoga through the 
woods, leaving Lake George on the right — a plan 
which was then feasible, as the road on the west bank 
of the river had not yet been occupied by the enemy. 
This proposition was approved, and an order was issued 
that the retreat should be begun by ten o'clock that 
night. But when everything was in readiness for the 
march, Burgoyne, with his usual indecision, suddenly 
changed his mind and postponed the movement until the 
next day, when an unexpected maneuver of the Ameri- 
cans made it impossible. During the night, the latter, 
crossing the river on rafts near the Batten kil,^ erected 
a heavy battery on an eminence opposite the mouth of 
that stream and on the left flank of the army, thus mak- 
ing the investment complete.- 

Burgoyne was now entirely surrounded ; the desertion 



^ The Dutch word kil, meaning a channel, is often used for creek, and 
always erroneously printed kill. It is not unusual to meet in American 
works with such an anomaly for instance as Batten kill creek. 

^ The fact of the erection of this battery seems to have escaped the notice 
of almost every writer upon the subject. The planting of it, however, was 
as is shown in the text, of vital importance to the complete success of the 
Americans. 



Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 99 

of his German, Indian and Canadian allies/ and the losses 
in killed and wounded had reduced his army one-half; 
there was not food sufficient for five days ; and not a 
word had been received from Clinton. Accordingly, on 
the 13th, he again called a general council of all his 
officers including the captains of companies. The coun- 
cil were not long in deciding, unanimously, that a treaty 
should be at once opened with General Gates for an 
honorable surrender — their deliberations being doubtless 



^ In justice to Burgoyne it should be stated, that the chief cause of the 
desertion of his Indian allies was the fact, that they were checked by him 
in their scalping and plundering of the unarmed. Indeed, the conduct of 
the English general was in this respect most humane. He said with truth 
in parliament, that in threatening to let loose his Indians " he spoke daggers 
but used none ; " and yet with strange inconsistency, he was among the 
first strenuously to urge the employment of the Indians against the colonists. 
See Fonblanque's work, p. 178. 

The desertion of the Canadians, however, had a different cause. In this 
connection, and to show the everlasting jealousy of professional soldiers 
towards volunteers, however deserving, consult Edward De Lancey in his 
address before the N. Y. His. Soc, Jan. 2d, 1877, and note how Bur- 
goyne had to allow his provincial officers and men to escape to avoid penal- 
ties they incurred if captured, because not commissioned, although they 
should have been commissioned, according to agreement, before they entered 
upon the campaign. 

Many of the Germans, also, availed themselves of this opportunity to 
desert, and settle good farms in the northern portion of New York. There 
is yet standing (1877) near Hon. John B. Haskin's place on Friend's lake, 
at Chestertown, Warren Co., N. Y., the cabin of a German deserter from 
Burgoyne's army, who settled there in the fall of 1777. The cabin was 
built in 1783, as the figures cut into the stone lintel above the fire-place 
attest. Mr. Charles H. Faxon, of Chestertown, a gentleman whose patriotic 
tastes are well known, did his best to have this cabin bought by the state 
and preserved as an heirloom for the country. 



loo Campaign of General John Burgoyne, 

hastened by rifle balls, perforating the tent in which they 
were assembled, and an eighteen pound cannon ball 
sweeping across the table at which Burgoyne and his 
generals were seated. 

Accordingly, the following day, the 14th, General 
Burgoyne sent Lieut. Col. Kingston to the headquarters 
of General Gates with a proposition for " a cessation of 
arms, during the time necessary to communicate the pre- 
liminary terms ; by which in any extremity he and the 
army mean to abide." Lieut. Col. Kingston was met 
by Adj. Gen. Wilkinson on the banks of Fish creek, 
and conducted blindfolded to the American head- 
quarters.^ 



^ " At the hour appointed I repaired to the advanced post, accompanied by 
Mr, Henry Livingston, of the Upper Manor on the Hudson's river. The 
bridge across the Fish kil had been destroyed, but the sleepers remained. 
We did not w^ait many minutes before the chamade vi^as beat at the advanced 
guard of the enemy, and an officer descending the hill, stepped across the 
creek on one of the sleepers of the late bridge ; it was * Major Kingston, 
with a message from Lieutenant General Burgoyne to Major General 
Gates.' I named to him ' Colonel Wilkinson, on the part of General 
Gates, to receive the message.' He paused a moment, pulled out a paper, 
looked at it, and observed, ' my orders direct mp to Major-General Gates.' 
* It is to save time and trouble that I am authorized to receive the message 
you bear.' He then took General Gates's note to General Burgoyne from 
his pocket, read it, and said ' General Gates has agreed to receive the 
message, and I am not authorized to deliver it to any other person.' * Well 
then, sir, you must submit to be hood-winked.' He affected to start at 
the proposition, and objected, on the ground of its being an indignity : I 
could but smile at the expression, and observed, that * I had understood 
there was. nothing more common, than to blindfold military messengers, 
when they were admitted within the walls of a place, or the guards of a 
camp.' He replied, ' Well, sir, I will submit to it, but under the express 



Campaign of General John Burgoyne, ioi 

General Gates, upon the reception of this communica- 
tion, authorized a cessation of arms until sunset, and 
having already prepared a schedule of the terms upon 
which he was prepared to treat, forwarded them by 
•Kingston to Burgoyne. This schedule evinced that the 
American general was well acquainted with the distresses 
of the British, and was drawn up in terms of extreme 
liberality. It did not, however, satisfy Burgoyne, who 
returned it with the following answers annexed — Lieut. 
Col. Kingston, who delivered it, adding the following 
verbal message. 

" If General Gates does not mean to recede from the 
6th article, the treaty ends at once. The army will, to 
a man, proceed to any act of desperation rather than 
submit to that article." 



stipulation, that no indignity is intended to the British arms.' I then 
carefully bound up his eyes with his own handkerchief^ he took my arm, 
and in this way we walked upwards of a mile to head-quarters. Major 
Kingston appeared to be about forty 5 he was a well formed, ruddy, hand- 
some man, and expatiated with taste and eloquence on the beautiful scenery 
of the Hudson's river, and the charms of the season : when I introduced 
him into General Gates's tent, and named him, the gentlemen saluted each 
other familiarly, with * General Gates, your servant,' — * Ah ! Kingston, 
how do you do ?' and a shake of the hand. Being seated a few minutes, 
he arose and observed he had certain communications to make Major 
General Gates from Lieutenant General Burgoyne, and to guard against 
inaccuracy of memory, he had committed them to paper, and with per- 
mission would read them. The general consented, and the major took 
from his pocket and read." 



I02 Campaign of General John Burgoyni 



Major General Gates's Proposals, together with 
Lieutenant General Burgoyne's Answers. 



ANSWER. 

Lieut.- General Bur- 
goyne's army, however 
reduced, will never admit 
that their retreat is cut 
off while they have arms 
in their hands. 



Noted. 



PROPOSITION. 

L — General Burgoyne's 
army being reduced by re- 
peated defeats, by desertion, 
sickness, etc., their provi- 
sions exhausted, their mili- 
tary horses, tents and baggage 
taken or destroyed, their re- 
treat cut off, and their camp 
Invested, they can only be 
allowed to surrender as pri- 
soners of war. 

IL — The officers and sol- 
diers may keep the baggage 
belonging to them. The 
generals of the United States 
never permit individuals to 
be pillaged. 

IIL — The troops, under 
his Excellency General Bur- 
goyne will be conducted by 
the most convenient route 
to New England, marching 
by easy marches, and suffi- 
ciently provided for by the 
way. 

IV. — The officers will be There being no officer 



Agreed, 



Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 103 



in this army under, or 
capable of being under, 
the description of break- 
ing parole, this article 
needs no answer. 



admitted on parole, and will 
be treated with the liberality 
customary in such cases, so 
long as they, by proper be- 
havior, continue to deserve 
it, but those who are appre- 
hended having broke their 
parole, as some British officers 
have done, must expect to be 
close confined. 

V. — All public stores, ar- 
tillery, arms, ammunition, 
carriages, horses, etc., etc., 
must be delivered to com- 
missaries appointed to receive 
them. 

VI. — These terms being 
agreed to and signed, the 
troops under hisExcellency 's, 
Gfjneral Burgoyne's com- 
mand, may be drawn up in 
their encampments, where 
they will be ordered to 
ground their arms, and may 
thereupon be marched to the 
river side on their way to 
Bennington. 

Accompanying this document were counter-proposals 
from Burgoyne, which Gates returned with the follow- 
ing answers affixed : 



All public stores may 
be delivered, arms ex- 
cepted. 



This article is inadmis- 
sible in any extremity. 
Sooner than this army 
will consent to ground 
their arms in their encamp- 
ments, they will rush on 
the enemy determined to 
take no quarter. 



I04 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 



General Burgoyne's Preliminary Articles, with 
General Gates's Answers. 

The annexed answers 
being given to Major Gene- 
ral Gates's proposals, it re- 
mains for Lieutenant General 
Burgoyne, and the army 
under his command, to state 
the following preliminary 
articles on their part. 

L — The troops to march 
out of their camp with the 
honors of war, and the artil- 
lery of the intrenchments, 
which will be left as here- 
after, may be regulated. 



II. — A free passage to 
be granted to this army to 
Great Britain upon condition 
of not serving again in North 
America during the present 
contest, and a proper post to 
be assigned for the entry of 
transports to receive the 
troops, whenever General 
Howe shall so order. 



I. — The troops to 
march out of their camp, 
with the honors of war, and 
the artillery of the in- 
trenchments to the verge 
of the river, where the old 
fort stood, where their 
arms and the artillery must 
be left. 

II. — Agreed to, for 
the port of Boston. 



Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 1 05 



III. — Should any cartel 
take place by which this army 
or any part of it may be ex- 
changed, the foregoing article 
to be void as far as such ex- 
change shall be made. 

IV. — All officers to re- 
tain their carriages, battle- 
horses ?nd other cattle, and 
no baggage to be molested 
or searched, the lieutenant 
ger eral giving his honor that 
there are no public stores 
secreted therein. Major 
General Gates will of course 
take the necessary measures 
for the security of this article. 

V. — Upon the march 
the officers are not to be 
separated from their men, 
and in quarters the officers 
are to be lodged according to 
rank, and are not to be hin- 
dered from assembling their 
men for roll callings, and 
other necessary purposes of 
regularity. 

VI. — There are various 

corps in the army composed 

of sailors, bateauxmen, ar- 
10 



III. — Agreed. 



IV. — Agreed. 



V. — Agreed to as 
far as circumstances will 
admit. 



VI. ' — Agreed to 
the fullest extent. 



m 



io6 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 



tificers, drivers, independent 
companies, and followers of 
the army, and it is expected 
that those persons of what- 
ever country, shall be in- 
cluded in the fullest sense 
and utmost extent of the 
above articles, and compre- 
hended in every respect as 
British subjects. 

VII. — All Canadians 
and persons belonging to the 
establishment in Canada, to 
be permitted to return there. 

VIII. — Passports to be 
immediately granted for three 
officers, not exceeding the 
rank of captain, who shall be 
appointed by General Bur- 
goyne to carry despatches 
to Sir William Howe, Sir 
Guy Carleton, and to Great 
Britain by the way of New 
York, and the public faith 
to be engaged that these de- 
spatches are not to be opened. 

IX, — The foregoing ar- 
ticles are to be considered 
only as preliminaries for 
framing a treaty, in the course 



VII. — Agreed. 



VIII.— Agreed. 



IX. — The capitula- 
tion to be finished by 2 
o'clock this day, and the 
troops march from their 



Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 107 

of which others may arise to encampment at five, and 
beconsideredby both parties, be in readiness to move 
for which purpose it is pro- towards Boston to-mor- 
posed, that two officers of row morning, 
each army shall meet and re- 
port their deliberations to 
their respective generals. 

X. — Lieutenant General X. — Complied with. 

Burgoyne will send his de- 
• uty adjutant-general to re- 
ceive Major General Gates's 
answer, to-morrow morning 
at 10 o'clock. 

These preliminary articles and their answers, being 
carried back to General Burgoyne, produced an imme- 
diate return of his messenger with the following note : 
*' The first preliminary articles of Lieutenant General 
Burgoyne's proposals, and the 2d and the 3d, and 4th of 
those of Major General Gates, of yesterday, being agreed 
to, the formation of the proposed treaty is out of dispute : 
but the several subordinate articles and regulations ne- 
cessarily springing from these preliminaries, and requir- 
ing explanation, and precision, between the parties, 
before a definite treaty can be safely executed, a longer 
time than that mentioned by General Gates in his answer 
to the ninth article, becomes indispensably necessary. 
Lieutenant General Burgoyne is willing to appoint two 
officers immediately, to meet two others from Major 
General Gates, to propound, discuss, and settle those 
subordinate articles, in order that the treaty in due form 
may be executed as soon as possible." 



io8 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

This meeting took place on the afternoon of the 15th, 
and the parties mutually signed articles of capitulation, or 
Convention^ as Burgoyne wished to have it designated, A 
copy of the Convention v^^as to be formally signed by the 
English general and delivered the next morning. Mean- 
v^'hile, during the night, a provincial arrived from below, 
who stated that he had heard through a third party that 
Clinton had captured the forts on the Hudson highlands, 
and arrived at ^sopus eight days previously ; and 
further, that by this time he was very likely at Albany. 
Burgoyne was so encouraged by this news, that he once 
more called together a council of war and laid before it 
the following questions : 

1st. Whether a treaty, which was about being com- 
pleted by his deputies, and which he himself had pro- 
mised to sign, could be broken ? Fourteen votes against 
eight decided this question in the negative. 

2d. Whether the report of a man whom nobody knew 
was sufficient in our present situation to justify our re- 
fusal of so advantageous a treaty ? The same number 
of votes decided this also in the negative. 

3d. Whether the common soldiers possessed sufficient 
spirit to defend the present position of the army to the 
last man ? All the officers of the left wing answered 
this in the affirmative. Those of the centre and right 
wings gave a similar answer, provided the enemy were 
attacked ; but the men were too well acquainted with 
their defective positions to display the same bravery in 
case they were themselves attacked," 

But notwithstanding these votes, Burgoyne was re- 



Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 109 

solved, as the articles of capitulation were not yet signed, 
to repudiate the informal arrangement with Gates ; and 
in order to gain time he informed him by letter that he 
had been told by deserters and other reliable persons that 
he had sent a considerable corps of his army toward 
Albany, and that this being contrary to all faith, he 
(Burgoyne) could not give his signature without being 
convinced that the American army outnumbered his own 
by at least three or four to one ; Gates should therefore 
name an officer oi his army who might see for himself 
the number of the enemy ; and should Burgoyne, after 
hearing this officer's report, be convinced of the superior 
numbers of the Americans, he would at once sign the 
treaty. General Gates received this letter with con- 
siderable nonchalance^ but replied that he would give his 
word of honor that his army was just as strong now as it 
was previous to the treaty, and that having since then been 
reinforced by a few brigades, it certainly did outnumber 
the English four to one, and this, too, without counting 
those troops that were on the other side of the Hudson 
and at Half Moon. He also gave Burgoyne to under- 
stand what it meant to break his word of honor, and 
offered to show his whole army to him after the latter 
had signed the treaty, when he would find that every- 
thing he had stated was true. Being, moreover, in 
no mood for temporizing, he drew up his troops in 
order of battle at early dawn of the next day, the 
17th, and informed Burgoyne in plain terms, that he 
must either sign the treaty, or prepare for imme-- 
diate battle. Riedesel and Phillips added their persua- 



I J o Campaign of General John Burgoyne, 

sions, representing to him that the news just re(?eived 
was mere hearsay, but even if it were true, to recede now 
would be in the highest degree dishonorable. Burgoyne 
thereupon yielded a reluctant assent, and the articles of 
capitulation were signed at nine o'clock the same morning.^ 
These articles were as foUov/s : 

Articles of Convention between Lieutenant General Burgoyne and 
Major General Gates. 

1st. " The troops under Lieutenant General Burgoyne, to march out of 
their camp with the honors of war, and the artillery of entrenchments, to 
the verge of the river where the old fort stood, where the arms and artillery 
are to be left j the arms to be piled by word of command from their own 
officers. 

2d. A free passage to be granted to the army under Lieutenant-General 
Burgoyne to Great Britain, on condition of not serving again in North 
America during the present contest ; and the port of Boston is assigned for 
the entry of transports to receive the troops, whenever General Howe shall 
so order. 

3d. Should any cartel take place, by which the army under General 
Burgoyne, or any part of it, may be exchanged, the foregoing articles to be 
void as far as such exchange should be made. 



^ The army of General Gates, which was on the west side of the Hudson, 
was formed in three lines. Three officers of the royal army (among them 
Captain Twiss of the engineers), having received orders from Burgoyne to 
count the troops of the enemy, found them to number between 13,000 and 
14,000 men. Subsequently, Gates handed Burgoyne the official list of the 
men in his army. The American troops on the other side of the Hudson 
were not counted. These consisted chiefly of militia from the surrounding 
townships of New Hampshire and Connecticut. 

This estimate includes only the number contained in the immediate camp 
and lines of Gates as seen by the three officers in passing through them. 
The exact number of Gates's army — not counting the troops on the other 
side of the Hudson — was 22,350 men. This appears by the official list 
sent by Gates himself to Burgoyne. Counting those on the other or east 
side of the river, the American army must have been at least 25,000. 



Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 1 1 1 

4th. The army under Lieutenant General Burgoyne, to march to Massa- 
chusetts bay, by the easiest, mosf expeditious, and convenient route, and 
be qtl^rtered in, near, or as convenient as possible to Boston, that the 
march of the troops may not be delayed, when the transports shall arrive 
to receive them. 

5th. The troops to be supplied on their march, and during their being in 
quarters, with provisions by Gen. Gates's orders, at the same rate of rations 
as the troops of his own army ; and if possible, the officers' horses and 
cattle are to be supplied with forage at the usual rates. 

6th. All officers to retain their carriages, battle-horses, and other cattle, 
and no baggage to be molested or searched ; Lieutenant General Burgoyne 
giving his honor that there are no public stores secreted therein. Major 
General Gates will of course take the necessary measures for the due per- 
formance of this article. Should any carriages be wanted during the march 
for the transportation of officers' baggage, they are, if possible, to be supplied. 

7th. Upon the march, and during the time the army shall remain in 
quarters in Massachusetts bay, the officers are not, as far as circumstances 
will admit, to be separated from their men. The officers are to be quartered 
according to rank, and are not to be hindered from assembling their men 
for roll-call, and the necessary purposes of regularity. 

8th. All corps whatever of General Burgoyne's army whether composed 
of sailors, bateaux men, artificers, drivers, independent companies, and 
followers of the army of whatever country, shall be included in every respect 
as British subjects. 

9th. All Canadians, and persons belonging to the Canadian establishment 
consisting of sailors, bateaux men, artificers, drivers, independent com- 
panies, and many other followers of the army, who come under no particular 
description, are to be permitted to return there ; they are to be conducted, 
immediately by the shortest route to the first British post on Lake George, 
are to be supplied with provisions in the same manner as the other troops, 
are to be bound by the same condition of not serving ' during the present 
contest in North America. 

loth. Passports to be immediately granted for three officers not exceeding 
the rank of captains, who shall be appointed by Lieutenant General Bur- 
goyne, to carry despatches to Sir William Howe, Sir Guy Carleton, and to 
Great Britain by the way of New York ; and Maj. General Gates engages 
the public faith, that these despatches shall not be opened. These officers 
are to set out immediately after receiving their despatches, and are to travel 
the shortest route, and in the most expeditious manner. 



112 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

nth. During the stay of the troops in Massachusetts bay, the officers are 
to be admitted on parole, and are to be allowed to wear their side arms. 

1 2th. Should the army under Lieutenant General Burgoyne find it 
necessary to send for their clothing and other baggage to Canada, they are 
to be permitted to do it in the most convenient manner, and the necessary 
passports granted for that purpose. 

13th. These articles are to be mutually signed and exchanged to-morrow 
morning, at nine o'clock,- and the troops under Lieutenant General Bur- 
goyne, are to march out of their entrenchments at three o'clock in the 
afternoon. 

(Signed) Horatio Gates, Maj. Gen. 

(Signed) J. Burgoyne, Lieut. Gen. 

Saratoga^ Oct. 16, 1777. 

To prevent any doubts that might arise from Lieutenant General Bur- 
goyne's name not being mentioned in the above treaty. Major General 
Gates hereby declares that he is understood to be comprehended in it, as 
fully as if his name had been specifically mentioned. 

Horatio Gates. 

The second clause of this agreement was not carried 
out by congress ; and most of the captured army, with 
the exception of Burgoyne, Riedesel, Philips and Hamil- 
ton were retained as prisoners while the war lasted. 

The excuses given by congress for this lack of faith 
were most paltry and unworthy of a body representing a 
great cause. The remonstrances to General Gates and 
congress remained unnoticed ; and although Washington 
himself, earnestly urged a fulfillment of the pledge in 
which the honor of congress and of the country was in- 
volved "the most unworthy counsels prevailed. When, 
for instance, it was proposed that the embarcation of the 
troops should take place at Newport, R. I., an intention 
(perfectly absurd) was imputed to General Howe of 
breaking faith by causing Burgoyne's army to join him 
in New York. Again, when the transports were des- 
patched to Boston, the port agreed upon, orders were 



Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 1 1 3 

given that the embarcation should be delayed until all 
accounts for the subsistence of the captured army had 
been settled ; and on a settlement being offered, it was 
refused unless payment were made in gold, which, at 
the time, it was notoriously impossible to procure; and 
once more congress, driven from both of these positions, 
gravely stated that all the small arms had not been de- 
livered up at the time of the surrender. Finally, in the 
beginning of January, 1778, congress passed a resolution 
indefinitely suspending the embarcation. The true rea- 
son for this course was, undoubtedly, the unworthy one 
that many of the troops might be brought over to the 
American cause by desertion; which, however, was un- 
successful, as — although it has been thought otherwise — 
not more than eighty Germans deserted from their colors 
after the surrender. Washington felt this keenly, and 
seems to have been greatly mortified at the decision of 
congress. In a letter to Burgoyne, dated at Flead- 
quarters, Penn., March nth, 1778," he writes : "I 
take pleasure in the opportunity you have afforded me 
of assuring you that, far from suffering the views of na- 
tional opposition to be embittered and debased by per 
sonal animosity, I am ever ready to do justice to the 
gentleman and the soldiers, and to esteem where esteem 
is due, however the idea of a public enemy may inter- 
pose."^ By this action of congress, the Riedesels, 
Phillips and many other worthy officers as well as 



^ See Life of Madame Riedesel, also Fonblanque' s Life of Burgoyne^ for the 
correspondence in full hetiueen Washington and Burgoyne. 



114 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

privates suffered great privation and misery for several 
years. 

The Americans obtained by this victory, at a very 
critical period, an excellent train of brass artillery, con- 
sisting of forty-two guns of various calibre, four thousand 
six hundred and forty-seven muskets, four hundred set 
of harness, and a large supply of ammunition. The pri- 
soners numbered five thousand, eight hundred and four, 
and the entire American force at the time of the surrender, 
including regulars (Continentals) and militia, was twenty 
thousand eight hundred and seventeen effective men.^ 

XIII. 

At eleven o'clock on the morning of the 17th, the 
royal army left their fortified camp, and marched to the 



^ This does not conflict with the statement on page no. Dur- 
ing the time of the cessation of arms, while the articles of capitu- 
lation were preparing, the soldiers of the two armies often saluted, and dis- 
coursed with each other from the opposite banks of the river. Among the 
British was a soldier of the 9th regiment, named Maguire, who came down 
to the river side, with a number of his companions, and engaged in con- 
versation with a party of Americans on the further shore. In a short time 
something was observed very forcibly to strike the mind of the honest 
Hibernian. He suddenly darted like lightning from his companions, and 
plunged into the stream. At the very same moment, one of the Ameri- 
can soldiers, seized with a similar impulse, resolutely dashed into the 
water. The wondering soldiers on both sides beheld them eagerly swim 
toward the middle of the river, where they met. They hung on each other's 
necks and wept : and the loud cries of" my brother ! my dear brother ! ! " 
which accompanied the transaction, soon cleared up the mystery to the 
astonished spectators. They were, it seems, both brothers ; one had emi- 
grated to America, and the other had entered the army ; and both were 
totally ignorant until that hour that they were engaged in hostile combat 
against each other's life. 



Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 1 1 5 

green in front of old Fort Hardy, on the meadow just 
north of Fish creek, at its junction with the Hudson.^ 
Here in the presence only of Morgan Lewis and Wil- 
kinson, representing the American army, they left their 
cannon and small arms. With a longing eye the artil- 
leryman looked for the last time upon his faithful gun, 
parting with it as from his bride, and that forever. 
With tears trickling down his bronzed cheeks, the 
bearded grenadier stacked his musket to resume it no 
more. Others in their rage, knocked ofF the butts of 
their arms, and the drummers stamped their drums to 
pieces.^ 



^Fort Hardy was a military work built by the English, during the govern- 
orship of Sir Charles Hardy, and was intended to supersede the old fort 
which had been erected as early as the war of William and Mary, during 
the latter part of the 17th century. The lines of the entrenchments em- 
brace about fifteen acres of ground. The outer works yet retain the ap- 
pearance of a strong fortification, bounded south by the north side of Fish 
creek, and east by the right bank of the Hudson. Human bones, frag- 
ments of fire-arms, swords, balls, tools, implements, and broken crockery, 
are frequently picked up on this ground. In excavating the earth for the 
Champlain canal, which passes a few rods west of this fort, such numbers 
of human skeletons were found, as make it highly probable that this was 
the cemetery of the garrison. 

2 " General Riedesel was deeply affected by the sad events. At eight 
o'clock in the morning of the 17th, he collected all the German troops, 
and informed them of their fate. In solemnity and in silence, and with 
drooping heads, the brave and tried warriors heard the words from the 
mouth of their beloved leader, whose voice, manly at all times, trembled 
on this occasion, and who was obliged to summon all of his self-control 
to hide his emotions. * It was no lack of courage on your part,' said he, 
among other things, to his men, ' by which this awful fate has come upon 
you. You will always be justified in the eyes of the world.' He con- 



1 1 6 Campaign of General John Burgoyne, 

Immediately after the surrender, the British took up 
their march for Boston, whence they expected to em- 
bark, and bivouacked the first night at their old encamp- 
ment at the base of the hill where Fraser was buried. 



eluded his address, with the exhortation, that as good soldiers they should 
bear their misfortune with courage, and do their duty at all times, displaying 
order and discipline j for in so doing, they would retain the love of their 
sovereign, and the respect of their enemies. 

" General Riedesel's next care was to save the colors. He, therefore, had 
them taken down from the flag staff, and gave them to his wife, who had 
them sewed up by a faithful soldier who was a tailor. Henceforth he slept 
upon them and fortunately saved them. What a dreary future was now in 
store for the weary soldier in this distant land ! Certain of victory a few 
days ago after so many glorious battles, all prospect for honor and glory was 
lost in this campaign. In a few hours they were to lay down their arms, 
those arms with which they had so bravely fought against their enemies, 
those arms, too, that were now to be surrendered to the enemy, on whose 
will they were now dependent. Verily, a sadder fate than this cannot be 
imagined for a soldier ! 

" Inwardly, however, Riedesel chafed exceedingly at the result and at the 
bad management which had brought it about. In the first moments of 
vexation he wrote to the reigning prince at Brunswick as follows : 

" ' Your serene highness will understand by the accompanying report, now 
submitted to you, into what a desolate position our fine maneuvers have 
placed me and the troops of your highness. The reputation I have gained 
in Germany has been sacrificed to certain individuals, and I consider my- 
self the most unfortunate man on earth.' 

" But neither the court nor the public of Brunswick laid anything to the 
charge of Riedesel, or the troops. On the contrary, they felt the greatest 
sympathy with them in their unfortunate fate. This is shown, not only 
by the letters of Duke Charles, and Duke Ferdinand, the hereditary prince 
of Brunswick, but by the newspapers of that day, in which neither the 
troops nor their generals are in the slightest degree reproached. On the 
contrary, they acknowledge their good behavior." — Memoirs of General 
Riedesel. 



Campaign of General John Burgoyne. i 1 7 

As they debouched from the meadow, where they 
had deposited their arms, they passed between the Con- 
tinentals who were drawn up in parallel lines. But on 
no face did they see exultation, " As we passed the 
American army," writes Lieut. Anbury, one of the 
captured officers, and bitterly prejudiced against his 
conquerors, " I did not observe the least disrespect, or 
even a taunting look, but all was mute astonishment and 
pity ; and it gave us no little comfort to notice this civil 
deportment to a captured enemy, unmarred by the ex- 
ulting air of victors." ^ 

Early the same morning General Wilkinson, before 
the capitulation, visited Burgoyne in his camp, and ac- 
companied him to the ground where his army were to 
lay down their arms. Having inspected the. place, the 
two generals rode to the bank of the Hudson, where 
Burgoyne, surveying it with attention, asked his com- 
panion whether it was not fordable at that place ? " Cer- 
tainly, sir," said Wilkinson, " but do you observe the 
people on the opposite shore ?" '^ Yes," replied Bur- 
goyne, " I have seen them too long !" 

The English general having expressed a wish to be 
formally introduced to his old comrade. Gates, Wilkin- 
son arranged an interview a few moments after the capitu- 
lation. In anticipation of this meeting, Burgoyne had 



^ " General Gates showed himself on this occasion, exceedingly noble 
and generous toward the captives. That he might show in some manner 
the feeling of the Americans, he commanded his troops to wheel round 
the instant the English laid down their arms. He, himself, drew down 
the curtains of his carriage in which he had driven to the ground, and in 
which he was then seated." — Brunsiuick Journal. 

II 



1 1 8 Campaign of General John Burgoyne, 

bestowed the greatest care upon his toilet. He had 
attired himself in full court dress, and wore costly 
regimentals and a richly decorated hat with streaming 
plumes. Gates, a smaller man and with much less of 
manner, on the contrary, was dressed merely in a plain 
blue overcoat, which had upon it scarcely anything in- 
dicative of his rank. Upon the two generals first catch- 
ing a glimpse of each other, they stepped forward 
simultaneously and advanced, until they were only a few 
steps apart, when they halted. The English general 
took ofFhis hat, and making a polite bow, said. '' The 
fortune of war, General Gates, has made me your pri- 
soner." The American general, in reply, simply returned 
his greeting and said : " I shall always be ready to testify, 
that it has not been through any fault of your excellency."^ 
As soon as this introduction was over the other 
captive generals and their suites repaired to the cabin 
which constituted the head-quarters of Gates, where they 

^ A marginal note — supposed to be in the hand-writing of George Clin- 
ton — in Burgoyne's orderly book, gives the conversation between the 
two generals as follows : " ' I am glad to see you,' said Gates, * 1 am not 
glad to see you,' replied Burgoyne, ' It is my fortune, sir, and not my fault 
that I am here.' " Wilkinson, however, an eye-witness of the scene, and 
generally very accurate, gives the version in the text, which is more in 
keeping with the urbane manner that invariably characterized the English 
general. 

The place where this meeting took place is about a hundred rods 
south of Fish creek, and fifty rods north ot Gates's head-quarters. The 
bridge over the Champlain canal at this point probably irdicates pretty ac- 
curately the precise spot. For the location of the headquarters of the Ameri- 
can general, see note on pages 122-23. 

The head-quarters of Gates was, in the language of Wilkinson, '* A 



Campaign of General John Burgoyne. \ 1 9 

were received with the greatest courtesy, and with the 
consideration due to brave but unfortunate men. Atter 
Riedesel had been presented to Gates, Morgan ^ and other 
American officers, he sent for his wife and children. 
It is to this circumstance, that we owe the portraiture 
of a lovely trait in General Schuyler's character. " In 
our passage through the American camp," the baroness 
writes, " I observed with great satisfaction, that no 
one cast at us scornful glances. On the contrary, they 
#11 greeted me, even showing compassion on their 
countenances at seeing a mother with her little children 
in such a condition. I confess I feared to come into 
the enemy's camp, as the thing Vv^as so entirely new 



small hovel, about ten feet square, at the foot of a hill, out of which it had 
been partially dug ; the floor had been prepared by nature 5 while in one 
corner four forks with cross-pieces, supported the boards which received the 
general's pallet." 

^''Morgan was a large, strong bodied personage, whose appearance 
gave the idea history has left us of Belisarius. His manners were of 
the severer castj but where he became attached he was kind and 
truly affectionate. This is said, from experience of the most sensitive and 
pleasing nature ; activity, spirit and courage in a soldier, procured his good 
will and esteem. He was a strict disciplinarian. Permit an anecdote. He 
had obtained the command of the rifle corps from Arnold without any 
advertence to the b«;tter claim of Hendricks, who, though the younger man 
was of the three captains, in point of rank, by the dates of commissions, the 
superior officer. Hendricks, for the sake of peace in the army, and of good 
order, prudently and good naturedly acquiesced in his assumption of the 
command, for Morgan had seen more service in our former wars. 

At this place Morgan had given it out in orders, that no one should fire. 
One Chamberlaine, a worthless fellow, who did not think it worth while 
to draw his bullet, had gone some hundreds of yards into the woods, and 
discharged his gun. Lieut. Steele happened to be in that quarter at the 



1 20 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

to me. When I approached the tents a noble looking 
man came toward me and took the children out of 
the wagon ; embraced and kissed them ; and then with 
tears in his eyes helped me also to alight. He then led 
me to the tent of General Gates, with whom I found 
Generals Burgoyne and Phillips who were upon an ex- 
tremely friendly footing with him. Presently, the man 
who had received me so kindly, came up and said to me : 
' It may be embarrassing to you to dine with all these 
gentlemen ; come now with your children into my tent^' 
where I will give you, it is true, a frugal meal, but one 
that will be accompanied by the best of wishes.' ' You 
are certainly,' answered I, 'a husband and a father since 



time ; Steele had but arrived at the fire, where we sat, when Morgan, who 
had seen him coming, approached our camp, and seated himself within our 
circle. Presently Chamberlaine came, gun in hand, and was passing our 
fire, towards that of his mess. Morgan called to the soldier, accused him 
as the defaulter j this the man (an arrant liar) denied. Morgan appealed 
to Steele. Steele admitted he heard the report, but knew not the party 
who diseharged the gun. Morgan suddenly springing to a pile of billets, 
took one, and swore he would knock the accused down unless he confessed 
the fact. Instantly, Smith seized another billet, and swore he would strike 
Morgan if he struck the man. Morgan knowing the tenure of his rank 
receded. This was the only spirited act I knew of Smith. Such were the 
rough-hewn characters which, in a few subsequent years, by energy of mind 
and activity of body, bore us safely through the dreadful storms of the revo- 
lution. Morgan was of an impetuous temper, yet withal, prudent in war, 
as he was fearless of personal danger. His passions were quick and easily 
excited, but they were soon cooled. This observation is applicable to many 
men of great talents, and to none more than Morgan. His severity, at 
times, has made me shudder, though it was necessary, yet it would have 
been a pleasing trait in his character if it had been less rigid." — Heijry''s 
yournal of Arnold'' s Expedition againU i^ehec in 1775. 




»^. 




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Chu 9 






&d 



.I>i2jgredaa:^7rdo)^z:^u^afCa7t^^^J367fyJJMUnsdlih^dsrks fftUceiTf&ie distncir cmai; cf-dte sou^^m, dzstrzu sf^sf/leric. 



Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 1 1 i 

you show mc so much kindness.' I then learned that 
he was the American General Schuyler." 

The English and German generals dined with the 
American commander in his tent, on boards laid across 
barrels. The dinner which was served up in four dishes 
consisted onlv of ordinary viands, the Americans at this 
period being accustomed to plain and frugal meals. The 
drink, on this occasion, was cider, and rum mixed with 
water. Burgoyne appeared in excellent humor. He 
talked a great deal and spoke very flatteringly of the Ameri- 
cans, remarking among other things that he admired the 
number, dress and discipline of their army and above all 
the decorum and regularity that were observed. " Your 
funds of men," he said to Gates, "are inexhaustible. Like 
the Hydra's head, when cut off, seven more spring up in 
its stead." 

He also proposed a toast to General Washington, an 
attention that Gates returned by drinking the health of 
the king of England. The conversation on both sides 
was unrestrained, affable and free. Indeed the conduct 
of Gates throughout, after the terms of the surrender had 
been adjusted, was marked with equal delicacy and mag- 
nanimity, as Burgoyne himself admitted in a letter to the 
Earl of Derby. In that letter, the captive general par- 
ticularly mentioned one circumstance which he said ex- 
ceeded all he had ever seen or read of on a like occasion. 
It was, that when the British soldiers had marched out of 
their camp to the place where they were to pile their arms, 
not a man of the American troops was to he seen^ General 
Gates having ordered his whole army out of sight, that 



122 Campaign of General John Burgqyne. 

not one of them should be a spectator of the humiliation 
of the British troops. This was a refinement of delicacy 
and of military generosity and politeness reflecting the 
highest credit upon the conqueror ; and was spoken of 
by the officers of Burgoyne in the strongest terms of 
approbation.^ 

As the company rose from table, the royal army filed 
past in their march to the seaboard. Thereupon, by pre- 
concerted arrangement, the generals stepped out, and 
Burgoyne drawing his sword presented it in the presence 
of the two armies to General Gates. The latter re- 
ceived it with a courteous bow, and immediately returned 
it to the vanquished general. Colonel Trumbull has 
graphically depicted this scene in one of his paintings in 
the rotunda at Washington.^ 



Remembrancer of 1777, pages 482 and 3. A letter published in that 
repository of the American Revolution, at the same time, stated that "some 
few of the New England men desired to have Burgoyne in their hands for 
half an hour. Being asked for what purpose, they said they * would do him 
no harm 5 they would tar and feather him, and make him stand on the 
head of one of his own empty beef-barrels, and read his own proclamation.' " 
p. 481-82. If made at all, the suggestion must have been merely the 
sportive sally of a wag. 

^ The headquarters of General Gates — when the surrender took place — 
were situated about one hujidred and fifty rods south of Fish creek, very nearly 
on the west side of the present river road from Schuylerville to Stillwater, 
in a rude cabin partially dug out of the bank on that side of the road (see 
note on pages 1 18-19). By some — and it has given rise to much 
discussion — it has been supposed, that these head-quarters were on a 
bluff overlooking the scene of the laying down of arms, just south of 
Fish creek, and nearly fronting Schuyler's house. This mistake, how- 
ever, probably arose from the fact, that, during the negotiations between 



Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 1 2 j 

General Schuyler, as we have seen, was in the camp 
with Gates at the time of the surrender ; and when 
Burgoyne, with his general officers, arrived in Albany, 
they were the guests of Schuyler, by whom they were 
treated with great hospitality. Madame Riedesel, also, 
speaks with much feeling of the kindness she received 
on this occasion at the hands of Mrs. Schuyler and her 
daughters. The urbanity of General Schuyler's manners, 
and the chivalric magnanimity of h\% character, smarting 
as he was under the extent and severity of his pecuniary 
losses, are attested by General Burgoyne, himself, in his 
speech in 1778, in the British House of Commons. He 
then declared that, by his orders, " a very good dwelling 
house, exceeding large store-houses, great saw-mills, and 
other out-buildings, to the value altogether perhaps of 
X 1 0,000 sterling," belonging to General Schuyler, at 
Saratoga, were destroyed by fire a few days before the 



the two generals for the surrender, a tent, for the accommodation of General 
Wilkinson on the part of Gates, and of Major Kingston of Burgoyne, was 
pitched, says Wilkinson, " between the advanced guards of the two armies, 
on the first bank just above General Schuyler's saw-mill." Thus, very 
naturally, the mistake arose — that it was a mistake, there can be not 
the shadow of a doubt, as any one, who will read Wikinson attentively, 
must at once perceive. — See General Mattoons Letter, Appendix XIII. 

" My father, then a small boy, living a mile and a half west of this vil- 
lage (Ballston, N. Y.), which was then a wilderness, remembers to have 
heard the noise of the artillery in both engagements. Several of the neigh- 
bors went over to Saratoga (Schuylerville) to witness the capitulation. He 
remembered that Judge Beriah Palmer stopped at the house on his return, 
and said he saw Gen. Burgoyne surrender his sword to Gen. Gates, and 
gave many particulars of the occurrence." — Hon. Geo. G. Scott of Ballston^ 
N. T., to the Author^ June 23, 1877. 



1 24 Campaign of General John Burgoyne, 

surrender to give greater play to his artillery. He said 
further, that one of the first persons he saw, after the 
Convention was signed, was General Schuyler; and when 
expressing to him his regret at the event which had 
happened to his property, General Schuyler desired him 
" to think no more of it, and that the occasion justified it 
accordingto the rules of war." " He did more," continued 
Burgoyne ; " he sent an aid-de-camp ^ to conduct me to 
Albany, in order, as he expressed it, to procure better 
quarters than a stranger might be able to find. That 
gentleman conducted me to a very elegant house, and 
to my great surprise, presented me to Mrs. Schuyler and 
her family. In that house I remained during my whole 
stay in Albany, with a table of more than twenty covers 
for me and my friends, and every other demonstration 
of hospitality."^ 

XIV. 

General Burgoyne, until his unfortunate campaign, 
stood very high in his profession. He had made a bril- 
liant record on the banks of the Tagus for dash, as well 



^ The late Col. Richard Varick, then the military secretary of General 
Schuyler. 

^ Farliamentary History^ Vol. xix, p. 1182, as quoted by Chancellor 
Kent in his address before the N. Y. His. Soc. 

During Mrs. Riedesel's stay at Albany, as the guest of Gun. and Mrs. 
Schuyler, one of her little girls, on first coming into the house, exclaimed, 
" Oh mama ! Is this the palace papa was to have when he came to Ameri- 
ca ? " As the Schuyler family understood German, Madame Riedesel 
colored at the remark, which, however, was pleasantly got over. — Life 
of Peter Van Schaick. 

The Schuyler mansion, which stands on Clinton street facing Schuyler 



Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 125 

as judgment, under the eye of a master in the art of war, 
the famous Count Schaumberg Lippe, who had been 
selected by Frederic the Great, or the second Frederic, 
Prince Ferdinana of Brunswick, to save the kingdom of 
Portugal, on the very verge of ruin. He also added to 
a prepossessing exterior the polished manners and keen 
sagacity of a courtier. He was likewise witty and brave. 
But personal courage alone does not constitute a com- 
mander ; for of a commander other qualities are expected, 
especially experience and presence of mind. Burgoyne, 
in all his undertakings, was hasty and self-willed. De- 
siring to do everything himself, he rarely consulted with 
others ; and yet he never knew how to keep a plan 
secret. While in a subordinate position, although con- 
tinually carping at his military superiors and complaining 
of his inferior position, yet when given a separate com- 
mand he was guilty of the same faults which he had 



street, was not built by Schuyler, himself, but by the wife of General Brad- 
street while the latter was on his expedition to • Oswego in 1759. The 
barracks stcod some fifteen rods back of the house, between which it is 
supposed an underground passage existed, though no traces of it have ever 
been found. The mansion even for this day is a fine one ; and for that 
period must have been superb. It is now (1877) owned and occupied by 
Mrs. John Tracey. Mrs. Tracey, who cherishes all the traditions of the 
place, received the author with great courtesy, and kindly acted as his 
cicerone in visiting the interior of the house and the grounds. For the 
attempt to capture Schuyler by the Indians and Tories see Lossing's Field 
Book of the Revolution. The mark of the tomahawk, which, hurled at 
Mrs. Schuyler's daughter as she snatched her infant sister from its cradle to 
bear it to a place of safety, is still clearly seen on the banister. 



I 26 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

reprehended in others.^ Being a great sybarite he often 
neglected the duties of a general, as well toward his king 
as his subordinates. He could easily make light of 
everything, provided he was eating a good meal, or was 
with his mistress; and while he was enjoying his cham- 
pagne and choice food his army suffered the keenest want. 
Thus, immediately after the capitulation, he could eat and 
drink with the enemy's generals, and talk with the 
greatest ease of the most important events. 

Soon after the surrender, he returned to England and 
justly threw the failure of the expedition upon the admin- 
istration. There can be no doubt, that had he been 
properly supported by Howe, as he had a right to ex- 
pect, he would, despite his mistakes, have reached Albany ; 
since, in that case. Gates would not have been at Still- 
water with an army to oppose him. Mr. Fonblanque, 
in his life of Burgoyne, draws particular attention for the 
first time, to a fact that throws entirely new light on the ap- 
parent failure of Howe, and clears up all that has hitherto 
seemed mysterious and contradictory. Orders, fully as 
imperative as those to Burgoyne, were to have been sent 
to Howe, but, owing to the carelessness of Germaine — 
who preferred going to a good dinner in Kent to waiting 
a few moments to append his signature — they were 



^ Had Burgoyne had the experience of his campaign, when he wrote to 
his friend Sir Gilbert Elliot from Boston, in 1775, he would doubtless have 
exercised more charity. In that letter he writes, " For God's sake urge 
the ministry to encourage the general [Gage] in the use of it [money] for 
the secret service. I am bold to say he has not proper intelligence of wha^ 
passes within half a mile of us." — Fonblanque s Burgoyrie, p. 204, See 
also pp. 142-155 in same connection. 



Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 127 

pigeon-holed in London, where they were found, after the 
convention of Saratoga, carefully docketed, and only want- 
ing the signature of the minister,^ Hence, Howe acted 
on the discretionary orders sent to him previously, and 
concluded to go to Philadelphia instead of to Albany — 
merely telling Clinton, that if other reinforcements came 
meanwhile from England, he might make a diversion in 
favor of Burgoyne. Primarily, then, the failure of the 
expedition was due to the gross negligence of the war 
minister, though the failure of Howe does not excuse 
the blunders through which Burgoyne lost his army in the 
retreat. It should, moreover, also be stated in justice to 



^ Lord E. Fitzmaurice, in his Life of Lord Shelburne (Germaine), quotes 
a memorandum from the hand of that statesman on the subject of that dis- 
astrous blunder. He says, " The inconsistent orders given to Generals 
Howe and Burgoyne could not be accounted for except in a way which it 
must be difficult for any person who is not conversant with the negligence 
of office to comprehend. It might appear incredible, if his own secretary 
and the most respectable persons in office had not assured me of the fact, 
and what corroborates it, is that it can be accounted for in no other way. 
It requires as much experience in business to comprehend the very trifling 
causes which have produced the greatest events, as it does strength of reason 
to develope the very deepest designs. Among many singularities. Lord 
Shelburne had a particular aversion to being put out of his way on any 
occasion. He had iixed to go into Kent at a particular hour and to call on 
his way at his office to sign the despatches (all of which had been settled) 
to both these generals. By some mistake those to Gen. Howe were not 
fair copied, and upon his growing impatient at it, the office, which was a 
very idle one, promised to send it to the country after him, while they 
despatched the others to Gen. Burgoyne, expecting that Howe's could be 
expedited before the packet sailed with the first. By some mistake, how- 
ever, the ship sailed without them, and they were not signed and were for- 
gotten on his return to town." 



128 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

Burgoyne that in arranging the campaign with the king 
he insisted most strenuously that his success depended 
upon Howe's cooperation. 

On his first arrival in England he was received very 
coldly by the court and people, the king refusing to 
see him ; but upon a change of the ministry he regained 
somewhat of his popularity. In 1780, he appeared be- 
fore the public in a vindication of himself in a work 
entitled the State of the Expedition. Subsequently, 
he wrote several popular comedies ; and was one of the 
managers of the impeachment of Lord Hastings. He 
did not live, however, to see the result of that trial. He 
died on the 4th of August, 1792, and was buried in 
Westminster Abbey. 

In regard to General Gates, the same incapacity, which 
afterward became so apparent in his unfortunate southern 
campaign, was manifested from the time of his assuming 
the command of the northern army until the surrender. 
It was perhaps no fault of his that he had been placed in 
command at the north, just at the auspicious moment 
when the discomfiture of Burgoyne was no longer prob- 
lematical. He was ordered by congress to the station, 
and performed his duty passably well. But it is no less 
true, that the laurels won by him ought to have been worn 
by Schuyler. Col. Wilkinson, who was a member of 
Gates's military family, has placed this question in its 
true aspect. He maintains that not only had the army 
of Burgoyne been essentially disabled by the defeat of the 
Germans at Bennington before the arrival of Gates, but 
that the repulse of St. Leger at Fort Stanwix had deranged 



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Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 129 

his plans ; while safety had been restored to the western 
frontier, and the panic, thereby caused, had subsided. 
He likewise maintains that after the reverses at the north, 
nowise attributable to him, and before the arrival of 
Gates, the zeal, patriotism and sanitary arrangements of 
General Schuyler had vanquished the prejudices excited 
against him ; that by the defeat of Baum and St. Leger, 
Schuyler had been enabled to concentrate and oppose his 
whole Continental force against the main body of the 
enemy j and that by him, also before the arrival of Gen. 
Gates, the friends of the Revolution had been re-animated 
and excited to manly resistance, while the adherents of 
the royal cause were intimidated, and had shrunk into 
silence and inactivity. From these premises, which are 
indisputable, it is no more than a fair deduction to say 
" that the same force which enabled Gates to subdue 
the British army, would have produced a similar effect 
under the orders of General Schuyler ; since the opera- 
tions of the campaign did not involve a single instance 
of professional skill, and the triumph of the American 
arms was accomplished by the physical force, and valor 
of the troops under the protection and direction 
OF THE God of Battles.^ 

Gates was a man of great plausibility and address, and. 



^*' A Thanksgiving sermon," says Lamb, " was preached on the occasion 
of the surrender before the American army by the chaplain, from Joel ii, 
20th. ' But I will remove far from you the Northern army, and will drive 
him into a land barren and desolate, with his face toward the East sea, and 
his hinder part toward the utmost sea j and his ill savor shall come up be- 
cause he hath done great things.' " 

12 



130 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

withal, a handsome fellow and a great lion in society. It 
is therefore not surprising, that, flushed with his for- 
tuitous success, or rather with the success attending his 
fortuitous position, he did not wear his honors with any 
remarkable, meekness. On the contrary, his bearing 
toward the commander-in-chief was far from respectful. 
He did not even write to Washington on the occasion, 
until after a considerable time had elapsed. In the first 
instance, Wilkinson was sent as the bearer of despatches 
to congress, but did not reach that body until fifteen 
days after the articles of capitulation had been signed ; 
and three days more were occupied in arranging his 
papers before they were presented.^ The first mention 
which Washington makes of the defeat of Burgoyne, is 
contained in a letter written to his brother on the i8th 
of October, the news having been communicated to him 
by Governor Clinton. He spoke of the event again on 
the 19th, in a letter addressed to General Putnam. On 
the 25th, in a letter addressed to that ofiicer, he ac- 
knowledges the reception of a copy of the articles of 
capitulation from him — adding, that it was the first 
authentic intelligence he had received of the affair, and 
that he had begun to grow uneasy, and almost to suspect 
that the previous accounts were premature. And it 
was not until the 2d of November that Gates deigned 
to communicate to the commander-in-chief a word upon 



^ " It was on this occasion that one of the members made a motion 
in congress, that they should compliment Colonel Wilkinson with the 
gift of a pair of spurs." — Sparks. 



Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 131 

the subject, and then only incidentally, as though it were 
a matter of secondary importance/ 

Transferred three years afterward to the chief com- 
mand of the Southern department, his disastrous defeat 
and irresolute, not to say cowardly, conduct soon pricked 
the bubble of his reputation ; and after living in com- 
parative obscurity for several years on his farm in Virginia, 
he died in the city of New York, April loth, 1806.^ 



^In the unfortunate battle of Camden, De Kalb, at the sacrifice of his 
life, played the same role to Gates — though without the same result — 
that Arnold did in the battle of Saratoga. Colonel, Marquis of Armand, 
who led the right advance at Camden, accused Gates, openly, of treason and 
cowardice. 

=2 Congress, in the first flush of its gratitude, decreed that Gates should be 
presented with a medal of gold,- to be struck expressly in commemoration 
of so glorious a victory. On one side of it was the bust of the general, 
with these words around it : Horatio Gates, Duct strenuo ,• and in the 
middle, Comitia Americana. On the reverse, Burgoyne was represented in 
the attitude of delivering his sword ; and in the back ground, on the one 
side and on the other, were seen the two armies of England and America. 
At the top were these words, Salus regionum Septentrional ^ and at the foot, 
Hoste ad Saratogam in deditione accepta. Die XVII Oct. M.D.CCLXXVII. 
Mr. Benson J. Lossing, who designed the seal of the Saratoga Monument 
Association, has incorporated in it the reverse of the medal. 

In his domestic relation Gen. Gates was an affectionate husband and 
father. In a letter to his wife, written from Albany three days after the 
surrender, he says : 

" The voice of fame, ere this reaches you, will tell how greatly fortunate 
we have been in this department. Burgoyne and his whole army have 
laid down their arms, and surrendered themselves to me and my Yankees. 
Thanks to the giver of all victory for this triumphant success. I got here 
night before last, and all now are camped upon the heights to the south of 
this city. Major General Phillips, who wrote me that saucy note last year 
from St. Johns, with Lord Petersham, Major Ackland, son of Sir Thomas, 



132 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

XV. 

The Battle of Saratoga has justly been designated by 
Sir Edward Creasy " one of the fifteen decisive battles of 



and his lady, daughter of Lord Ilchester, sister to the famous Lady Susan, and 
about a dozen members of parliament, Scotch lords, etc., are among the cap- 
tured. I wrote to J. Boone, by Mr. Fluck, an engineer, whom I permitted 
to pass to Canada, and who goes immediately from thence to England. I 
could not help, in a modest manner, putting him in mind of the fete 
champetre that I three years ago told him Burgoyne would meet with if he 
came to America. If Old England is not by this lesson taught humility, 
then she is an obstinate old slut, bent upon her ruin. I long much to see 
you, and have, therefore, sent the bearers to Albany by the way of Read- 
ing, where you will be received and entertained by Mrs. Potts. Before you 
leave Reading, you must take advice whether to come by Nazareth or 
Bethlehem ; after that your road up the country by Van Camp's, through 
the Minisinks, to Hurley and Esopus, is plain and well known to the bearer. 
" Don't let Bob's zeal to get to papa, hurry you faster than, considering 
the length of the journey, you ought to come. If you come by Bethlehem, 
there is a Mr. Oakley, who holds an office under Mifflin, who will pro- 
vide you with everything you may have occasion for, and will introduce you 
to Madame Langton, and the Bishop and Mrs. Ilsley, etc. Perhaps you 
may get ruffles to your apron j if they are finished I desire you will bespeak 
them. 

" Tell my dear Bob not to be too elated at this great good fortune of his 
father. He and I have seen many days adverse as well as prosperous. Let 
us through life endeavor to bear both with an equal mind. General Bur- 
goyne has promised me to deliver any letters I please to commit to his care 
in England. I think to send a few to some principal men there. Perhaps 
they may have a good effect for both countries. I would fain have 
the mother reconciled to her child, and consent, since she is big enough 
to be married, to let her rule and govern her own house. I hope Lady 
Harriet Ackland will be here when you arrive. She is the most amiable, 
delicate little piece of quality you ever beheld. Her husband is one of the 
prettiest fellows I have seen, learned, sensible, and an Englishman to all 



Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 13 j 

history." It secured for the American colonies the 
French alliance, and lifted the cloud of moral and financial 
gloom that had settled upon the hearts of the people, 
dampening the hopes of the leaders of the Revolution, 
and wringing despairing words even from the hopeful 
Washington. From that auspicious day, belief in the 
ultimate triumph of American liberty never abandoned 
the nation till it was realized and sealed four years later, 
almost to a day, in the final surrender at Yorktown. 

A century has elapsed since that illustrious event. 
All the actors in the great drama have passed away, and 
their descendants are now reaping the rewards of their 
devotion and suffering. And yet, no monument has 
arisen to commemorate that turning point of our national 
destiny. Lexington and Bunker hill have their imposing 
memorials to tell of the earliest bloodshed in the cause 
of Cisatlantic freedom ; and, in our own day, the self con- 
secration of Antietam and Gettysburg are made enduring 
in granite records for the admiration of generations yet 
to be. The purpose is noble, the tribute deserved, for 
every such memorial stands as an educator to gratitude 
and patriotism. 



intents and purposes 5 has been a most confounded tory, but I hope to make 
him as good a whig as myself before we separate. You must expect bad 
and cold days upon the journey 5 therefore, prepare against it. I thank God 
I am pretty well; have had a bad cold, with loss of appetite from being 
continually harassed with so much business ; but I hope to find some rest 
in winter and much comfort in your's and Bob's company. I will try and 
get some good tea for you from some of the English officers. Accept my 
tenderest wishes for your health and safety, and assure my dear Bob how 
much I am interested in his welfare. Heaven grant us a happy meeting." — 
Gates's papers in the'^New York Historical Society. 



134 Campaign of General John Burgoyne, 

Actuated by these sentiments, in 1859, Hamilton Fish, 
Horatio Seymour, Benson J. Lossing, John A. Corey, 
and other patriotic gentlemen organized the Saratoga 
Monument Association, under a perpetual charter from 
the state of New York, whose object was the erection 
of a fitting memorial on the site of Burgoyne's surrender. 

It is proposed, whenever sufficient funds are raised, to 
make the structure of granite, and of the obelisk form^and 
eighty feet square at the base, ten feet at the summit, 
two hundred and thirty feet in height. Within the 
monument the first story is one room designed for histo- 
rical tablets, relics and memorials. On the four corners 
of the platform are to be mounted four of the large and 
ornamental brass guns taken from the English at the 
time of the surrender. Of the large niches in the four 
gables, three are to be filled with appropriate groups of 
sculpture in bronze representing the three Generals, 
Schuyler, Gates, and Morgan, with their accessories, the 
fourth being vacant, with the word Arnold inscribed 
underneath. The association expect to obtain by pur- 
chase five acres of land from the Prospect Cemetery 
Association of Schuylerville as a site for the monu- 
ment — the corner stone of which is to be laid, on the 
centennial of the surrender, Oct. 17th, 1877, with ap- 
propriate ceremonies. Hon. Horatio Seymour of Utica, 
N. Y., will deliver the oration, and Alfred B. Street of 
Albany, N. Y., the poem. It is a high bluff", sixty 
feet above the alluvial meadow bordering the river, and 
overlooks the spot where the British laid down their 
arms. It is as near, as can conveniently be placed, to 



Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 135 

where the head-quarters of Gates were situated, which 
witnessed the formal surrender of Burgoyne's sword, and 
the unfurling, for the first time, of the stars and stripes.^ 



' It is true, that a flag, intended for the stars and stripes, and made out of 
a white shirt and some bits of red cloth from the petticoat of a soldier's wife, 
first floated on captured standards on the ramparts of Fort Stanwix (Aug. 
5th, 1777), but the stars and stripes as we now see them — except as to 
the number of the stars — was first unfurled to grace the surrender at Saratoga, 
Oct. 17th, 1777. — Gen. J. Watts De Peyster's Justice to Schuyler. The 
Fort Stanwix flag, is now in the possession of Mrs. Abram Lansing, of 
Albany, a descendant of Gen. Gansevoort, by whom it is cherished as a most 
precious relic. 

A reliable guide book to the Saratoga battle ground — a work long 
needed — has been recently written and published by Mrs. Ellen Hardin 
Walworth, of Saratoga Springs — a grand-daughter of Col. Hardin of 
Kentucky who was in the battles, and present at the surrender. 




SEAL OF THE SARATOGA MONUMENT ASSOCIATION. 



P A R T I 1 . ^ 

THE 

EXPEDITION OF LIEUT. COLONEL 

BARRY ST. LEGER. 



JEuro/iea/i. Jfctc/6 







I^ii/'/i/^ui-/Jfarc/f 20 '^'/ig^. l>yJS^u>el/.Ll?/V2//^'J/ 



THE EXPEDITION 



LIEUT. COLONEL BARRY ST. LEGER.^ 



(contemporaneously with the descent of 
Burgoyne upon Northern New York, Colonel Barry 
St. Leger, as stated in Part First, had been despatched 
from Montreal, by the way of the St. Lawrence and 
Lake Ontario, to Oswego, there to form a junction with 
the Indians and loyalists under Sir John Johnson and 
Captain Brant. From Oswego, St. Leger was to pene- 
trate by the way of Oneida lake and Wood creek to 
the Mohawk river, with a view of forming a junction 
from that direction with Burgoyne, on his arrival in 
Albany.^ The alarm everywhere felt on the approach 
of Burgoyne from the North, was greatly increased in 
Tryon county, on receiving intelligence of the contem- 
plated invasion by the Indians and loyalists from the 
West. The news of this movement was first brought 



^ This account is taken, in the main, from my father's Life of Brant — 
as being the most accurate and thorough narration of St. Leger's expedition 
yet written. I have, however, added a number of notes and made a few 
additions to the text. 

= Burgoyne s State of the Expedition^ Appendix, p. xii. 



1 40 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

to the inhabitants by an Oneida half-breed sachem named 
Thomas Spencer, who came therewith direct from 
Canada, whither he had gone as a secret emissary to 
obtain information. Spencer stated that he had been 
present at a council held at the Indian castle of Cassas- 
senny, at which Colonel Claus presided.^ According to 
Thomas's relation, Colonel Claus strongly urged the 
Indians to join in the expedition into the Mohawk valley 
by the western approach ; boasting of the strength of the 
army under Burgoyne, which had gone against Ticon- 
deroga, and the number of Indians with them, and before 
whom he assured them Ticonderoga would fall. " Yes," 
said Colonel Claus, " Ticonderoga is mine. This is 
true : you may depend on it, and not one gun shall be 
fired." Singularly enough, though improbable at the 
time, the prediction, as we have seen, was literally ful- 
filled. " The same," added the superintendent, " is true 
of Fort Schuyler. I am sure that when I come before 
that fort, and the commanding officer shall see me, he 
also will not fire a shot, but will surrender the fort to 
me." The Oneida sachem farther informed the people 
that Sir John Johnson and Colonel Claus were then at 
Oswego with their families, with seven hundred Indians 
and four hundred regular troops. There were also six 
hundred tories on one of the islands above Oswegatchie 
preparing to join them ; and Colonel Butler was to arrive 
at Oswego on the 14th of July from Niagara, to hold a 



'Colonel Daniel Claus, a brother-in-law of Sir John Johnson, had either 
superseded Guy Johnson as Indian superintendent in Canada, or been ap- 
pointed a deputy. 



Expedition of Lt. Col. Barry St. Leger. 141 

council with the Six Nations, to all of whom he would 
offer the hatchet to join them and strike the Americans. 
Thomas thereupon concluded his communication in the 
following speech : 

" Brothers : Now is your time to awake, and not to 
sleep longer ; or, on the contrary, it shall go with Fort 
Schuyler as it went already with Ticonderoga. 

" Brothers : I therefore desire you to be spirited, 
and to encourage one another to march on to the assist- 
ance of Fort Schuyler. Come up, and show yourselves 
as men, to defend and save your country before it is too 
late. Despatch yourselves to clear the brush about the 
fort, and send a party to cut trees in the Wood creek to 
stop up the same. 

" Brothers : If you don't come soon, without delay, 
to assist this place, we cannot stay much longer on your 
side ; for if you leave this fort without succor, and the 
enemy shall get possession thereof, we shall suffer like 
you in your settlements, and shall be destroyed with you. 
We are suspicious that your enemies have engaged the 
Indians, and endeavor daily yet to strike and fight against 
you ; and General Schuyler refuses always that vre shall 
take up arms in the country's behalf. 

" Brothers : I can assure you, that as soon as Butler's 
speech at Oswego shall be over, they intend to march 
down the country immediately to Albany. You may 
judge yourselves that if you don't try to resist, we shall 
be obliged to join them or fly from our castles, as we 
cannot hinder them alone. We, the good friends of the 
country, are of opinion, that if more force appears at 
13 



142 Campaign of General John Burgoyne, 

Fort Schuyler, the enemy will not move from Oswego 
to invade these frontiers. You may depend on it we 
are willing to help you if you will do some efforts too." 
The counsel of the faithful Oneida was neither early 
enough, nor was it seconded with sufficient promptitude 
on the part of the inhabitants. Indeed, it must be con- 
fessed, that, as the storm of w?r rolled onward, gathering 
at once from different directions, and threatening daily 
to break upon them with increasing fury, many of the 
yeoman who had hitherto .borne themselves nobly, began 
to falter. A spirit of disaffection had also been more 
widely diffused among the settlements than could have 
been supposed from the previous patriotic conduct of 
the people, while treason lurked in many places where 
least suspected. Upon this subject, and with special 
reference to the popular feeling and conduct in Tryon 
county, John Jay, then sitting in the state convention at 
Kingston, addressed the following letter to Gouverneur 
Morris, a member of the council of safety, who was 
at that time with General Schuyler in the North : 

John Jay to Governeur Morris. 

Kingston^ July 2J st^ ^777' 
"■ Dear Morris, 

" The situation of Tryon county is both shameful and 
alarming. Such abject dejection and despondency, as 
mark the letters we have received from thence, disgrace 
human nature. God knows what to do with, or for 
them. Were they alone interested in their fate, I should 
be for leaving their cart in the slough till they would 
put their shoulders to the wheel. 



Expedition of Lt. Col. Barry St. Leger. 143 

" Schuyler has his enemies here, and they use these 
things to his disadvantage. Suspicions of his having 
been privy to the evacuation of Ticonderoga spread 
wide ; and twenty little circumstances, which perhaps 
are false, are trumped up to give color to the conjecture.^ 
We could wish that your letters might contain paragraphs 
for the public. We are silent because we have nothing 
to say ; and the people suspect the worst because we 
say nothing. Their curiosity must be constantly grati- 
fied, or they will be uneasy. Indeed, I do not wonder 
at their impatience, the late northern events having been 



^ Reference has already been made, in the text of Part First, to the in- 
justice done towards General Schuyler during this memorable year. There 
was probably no officer in the service, the commander-in-chief alone ex- 
cepted, who was considered by the enemy so great an obstacle to the suc- 
cess of their arms. A narrow sectional prejudice existed against him in 
New England. The failure of the Canadian campaign had been most 
wrongfully attributed to him in 1776, and with equal injustice the fall of 
Ticonderoga was now charged to his remissness by his own countrymen. 
The enemy were not slow to avail themselves of these prejudices and 
groundless imputations, and through the agency of the tories, the most 
artful and insidious means were employed to destroy the public confidence 
in his integrity and capacity. The flame of suspicion was fanned by them 
until it became general, and was openly avowed. Committees, towns, and 
districts, assembled, and passed resolves expressing their distrust in him, and 
both congress and the provincial legislature of New Yorli were addressed 
upon the subject. General Schuyler, than whom there was not a truer 
patriot, nor a more earnest or active in the public service, was well aware 
of these movements. To a committee of the provincial congress, who had 
formally communicated the charges to him, he returned an answer worthy 
of a brave and magnanimous soldier. The character of this answer will be 
understood from this single sentence : " We must bear with the caprice, 
jealousy, and envy of cur misguided friends, and pity them." 



i44 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

such as to have occasioned alarm and suspicion. I have 

not leisure to add anything more, than that I am, very 

sincerely, yours, etc. 

"- John Jay." 

As early as the loth of April, Colonel Robert Van 
Rensselaer wrote to a friend, that the chairman of the 
county committee had applied to him for the assistance 
of his militia, to quell an insurrection of the loyalists in 
Ballston ; but such vi^as the condition of his own regi- 
ment, that he was obliged to decline the request. The 
spirit of disaffection had become so prevalent among his 
men, that numbers of them had taken the oath of secrecy 
and allegiance to Great Britain. However, he added 
that seventeen of the villains had been arrested by the 
vigilance of the officers, and were then in confinement ; 
and a hope was indulged of being able to detect the 
whole. ^ Early in the following month the residue of 
the Roman Catholic Scotch settlers in the neighborhood 
of Johnstown ran off to Canada, together with some of 
the loyalist Germans — all headed by two men named 
M'Donald, who had been permitted by General Schuy- 
ler to visit their families. The fact that the wives and 
families of the absconding loyalists were holding com- 
munications with them, and administering to their sub- 
sistence on the outskirts of the settlements, had suggested 
their arrest, and removal to a place of safety, to the 
number of four hundred — a measure that was approved 



' Ms. documents in the Department of State, Albany. 



Expedition of Lt. Col. Barry St. Leger. 1 45 

by General Herkimer' and his officers.^ Alarming re- 
ports of various descriptions were continually in circula- 
tion, and the inhabitants were harassed beyond measure 
by the necessity of performing frequent tours of military 
duty — acting as scouts and reconnoitering parties ; and 
standing, some of them, as sentinels around their fields, 
while others did the labor. No neighborhood felt secure, 
and all were apprehensive that the whole country would 
be ravaged by the Indians ; while parties of the dis- 
affected were continually stealing away to augment the 
ranks of the enemy. Thus circumstanced, and at the 
very moment when they were called upon to reinforce 
Fort Schuyler, the committee both of Palatine and Scho- 
harie, feeling that they were not strong enough even for 
self-defence, were calhng upon the council of safety at 
Albany to send additional forces for their protection. 
Mr. Paris wrote repeatedly upon the subject. The 
Schoharie committee, on the 17th of July, wrote very 
frankly, that " the late advantages gained by the enemy 
had such an effect, that many who had been counted as 
friends of the state were drawing back. " Our situation," he 
added, " is deplorable — excepting those who have sought 
protection from the enemy. We are entirely open to 
the Indians and tories, whom we expect every hour to 
come upon us. Part of our militia are at Fort Edward ; 



^ Herkheimer (ErgheLmer), by which name he was known — was a man 
in the prime of years, between forty-six and fifty, and a son of the soil — a 
tiller of it who had amassed an honest independence by labor and frugality. 

=^MS. documents in the Department of State, Albany — Letter of Isaac 
Paris. 



146 Campaign of General John Burgoyne, 

and of the ^qw that are here, many are unwilling to take 
up arms to defend themselves, as they are unable to stand 
against so many enemies. Therefore if your honors do 
not grant us immediate relief to the amount of about five 
hundred men, we nmst either fall a prey to the enemy, 
or take protection also." ^ On the i8th of July, General 
Schuyler wrote to the Hon. Pierre Van Courtlandt, from 
Saratoga, and again on the 21st from Fort Edward, to 
the same effect. " I am exceedingly chagrined," he 
says, " at the pusillanimous spirit which prevails in the 
county of Tryon. I apprehend much of it is to be at- 
tributed to the infidelity of the leading persons of that 
quarter." " If I had one thousand regular troops, in 
addition to those now above and on the march, I should 
venture to keep only every third man of the militia, and 
would send them down." " The substance of Colonel 
Harper's information had been transmitted about a month 
ago. In consequence whereof, I sent Colonel Van 
Schaick into Tryon county with as many troops as I 
could collect. After the improper agreement made by 
General Herkimer,^ these troops were marched back ; 
but as soon as I was informed of the march, I ordered 
them to remain in Tryon county, where they are still, 
and I have sent up Colonel Wesson's regiment to rein- 
force them. But if I may be allowed to judge of the 
temper of General Herkimer and the committee of Tryon 



^ MS. correspondence with the Provincial Congress — Secretary's office, 
Albany, 

^ Probably referring to the interview between Herkimer and Brant at 
Unadilla. 



Expedition of Lt. Col. Barry St, Leger. 147 

county, from their letters to me, nothing will satisfy 
them unless I march the whole army into that quarter. 
With deference to the better judgment of the council of 
safety, I cannot by any means think it prudent to bring 
on an open rupture with the savages at the present time. 
The inhabitants of Tryon county are already too much 
inchned to lay down their arms, and take whatever terms 
the enemy may please to afFord then). Half the militia 
from this (Tryon) county, and the neighboring state of 
Massachusetts, we have been under the necessity of dis- 
missing ; but the whole should go." '*• I enclose you the 
proceedings of a council of general officers, held at this 
place on the 20th instant. You will perceive that we 
have been driven to the necessity of allowing some of 
the militia to return to their plantation. The remainder 
have promised to remain three weeks longer — that is 
to say, unless they choose to return sooner, which will 
doubtless be the case, and for which they have many 
reasons." ^ 

The complaints of General Schuyler were not without 
just foundation, as the reader has already seen. Indeed, 
both regulars and militia in Tryon county, seemed for 
the moment to have lost all the high qualities of soldiers 
or citizens. Of two hundred militiamen ordered to 
muster and join the garrison of Fort Schuyler, only a 
part obeyed ; while two companies of regular troops, re- 
ceiving the like orders, entered upon the service with 
great reluctance, and not without urging various ex- 



I MS. Cor. Council of Safety — Secretary's office, Albany. 



148 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

cuses — complaining that service in scouting parties had 
unfitted them for garrison duty.^ Under circumstances 
of such discouragement, it was a time of peculiar trial 
to the officers and committee of safety. Tryon county 
had early espoused the cause of freedom, and apparently 
with greater unanimity than any other county in the 
state; and the extensive defection, or criminal apathy, 
which we have just been contemplating, was altogether 
unexpected. But a crisis was approaching, which ne- 
cessity soon obliged them to meet. Accordingly, on the 
17th of July, General Herkimer issued a patriotic pro- 
clamation to the inhabitants of the county, announcing 
the gathering of the enemy at Oswego, " Christians and 
savages," to the number of two thousand strong, with 
the intention of invading the frontier, and calling upon 
the people en masse^ to be ready at a moment's warning 
to repair to the field, with arms and accoutrements, on 
the approach of the enemy. Those in health, from 
sixteen to sixty years of age, were designated for actual 
service ; while those above sixty years of i ge, or invalids, 
were directed to arm for the defence of the women and 
children at whatever place they might be gathered in for 
safety. Concerning the disaffected, and those who might 
refuse to obey the orders, it was directed in the proclam- 
ation that they should be arrested, their arms secured, 
and themselves placed under guard to join the main body. 
All the members of the committee, and all those who, by 
reason of having formerly held commissions, had become 



Annals of Tryon County. 



Expedition of Lt. CoL Barry St. Leger. 149 

exempts from service, were invited to repair to the ren- 
dezvous, and aid in repulsing the foe : " not doubting 
that the Almighty Power, upon our humble prayers, and 
sincere trust in Him, will then graciously succor our 
^rms in battle for our just cause, and victory cannot fail 
on our side." 

The Oneida Indians, who were sincerely disposed to 
favor the cau^e of the United States, but who, pursuant 
to the humane policy of congress and the advice of 
General Schuyler, had determined to preserve their neu- 
trality, beheld the approaching invasion from Oswego 
with no small degree of apprehension. The course they 
had marked out for themselves, as they were well aware, 
was viewed with displeasure by their Mohawk brethren, 
while the other members of their confederacy were ob- 
viously inclined to side with their " Uncle. "^ Living, 
moreover, in the immediate neighborhood of Fort Schuy- 
ler, where St. Leger's first blow must be struck, they 
were not a little troubled in the prospect of what might 
happen to themselves. The watchful Thomas Spencer, 
therefore, despatched the following letter to the com- 
mittee on the 29th of July which was received on the 
30th: 

" At a meeting of the chiefs, they tell me that there 
is but four days remaining of the time set for the king's 
troops to come to Fort Schuyler, and they think it likely 
they will be here sooner. 



^ In the Six Nations, the Mohawks — the head tribe — were called 
" uncle." The Oneidas were " the elder brother," etc. 



1 50 Campaign of General John Bur^oyne. 

"The chiefs desire the commanding officers at Fort 
Schuyler not to make a Ticonderoga of it ; but they hope 
you will be courageous. 

" They desire General Schuyler may have this with 
speed, and send a good army here ; there is nothing to 
do at New York ; we think there is men to be spared — 
we expect the road is stopped to the inhabitants by a 
party through the woods ; we shall be surrounded as 
soon as they come. This may be our last advice, as 
these soldiers are part of those that are to hold a treaty. 
Send this to the committee — as soon as they receive it, 
let the militia rise up and come to Fort Schuyler. 

"To-morrow we are a-going to the Three rivers^ to 
the treaty. We expect to meet the warriors, and when 
we come there and declare we are for peace, we expect 
to be used with indifference and sent away. 

" Let all the troops that come to Fort Schuyler take 
care on their march, as there is a party of Indians to stop 
the road below the fort, abv)ut 80 or 100. We hear they 
are to bring their cannon up Fish creek. We hear there 
is 1003 going to meet the enemy. We advise not — 
the army is too large for so ^qw men to defend the fort — 
we send a belt of eight rows to confirm the truth of what 
we say. 

" It looks likely to me the troops are near — hope all 
friends to liberty, and that love their families, will not 
be backward, but exert themselves ; as one reSolute blow 



^ The junction of the Oneida, Seneca, and Oswego rivers — not Three 
Rivers in Canada. 



Expedition of Lt. Col. Barry St. Leger. 151 

would secure the friendship of the Six Nations, and al- 
most free this part of the country from the incursions 
of the enemy." ' 

The certainty that the invaders were thus approach- 
ing, the earnestness of the appeals of the committee to 
the patriotism of the people, the influence of the pro- 
clamation of the German general, who was a much bet- 
ter man than officer, save only in the single attribute of 
courage ; and, above all, the positive existence of a 
common danger from which there was no escape j were 
circumstances, together, not without their effect. And 
although thq eleventh hour had arrived, yet the militia, 
and all upon whom the call to arms had been made, 
now began to move with a degree of alacrity and an 
exhibition of spirit that went far to atone for the un- 
patriotic, if not craven, symptoms already noticed. 

Meantime, having completed his organization at Os- 
wego, Lieut. Colonel St. Leger commenced his march 
upon Fort Schuyler, moving by the route already indi- 
cated, though with great circumspection. The name 
of this place of rendezvous has already recurred more 
than once, or twice, in the preceding pages. Its posi- 
tion was important, and it had been a place of renown 
in the earlier wars of the colony. The river bearing 
the same name, which here pours northwardly into 
Lake Ontario, is the outlet both of the Oneida and 



^ MS. letter among the papers of" General Gansevoort. Thomas 
Spencer was a blacksmith, who had resided among the Cayugas, and was 
greatly beloved by the Indians. — Letter from General Schuyler to Colonel 
Dayton — Ganse'voort papers. 



152 Campaign of General John Burgoyne, 

Seneca rivers, through which, and their tributary 
streams, it is connected with the chain of small lakes 
bearing the names of Oneida, Cazenovia, Skaneateles, 
Owasco, Cayuga, Seneca, and Canandaigua. Its 
estuary, of course, forms the natural opening into the 
rich district of country surrounding these lakes, which, 
down to the period of the present history, contained the 
principal towns of four of the five nations of Indians. 
During the wars between the French and Five Nations, 
Oswego was repeatedly occupied by the armies of the 
former. It was here that Count Frontenac landed, on 
his invasion of the Onondaga country in 1692, at which 
time, or subsequently, a considerable military work was 
erected on the western side of the river. During the 
war with France, which was closed in America by the 
conquest in Canada, it was in the occupancy of the 
Provincials and English. The expedition destined to 
descend the St. Lawrence upon Montreal, was assem- 
bled at this point in 1759, after the fall of Niagara, 
under General Shirley and Sir William Johnson. The 
army was encamped here several weeks, and finally 
broke up without attempting its main object — owing, as 
Sir William Johnson intimates in his private diary, to a 
want of energy on the part of Shirley. After the fall of 
Quebec and Montreal into the hands of the English, a 
battalion of the 55th regiment was stationed at Oswego, 
under Major Duncan, a brother of the naval hero of 
Camperdown. A new and far more formidable work 
was constructed upon the eastern or northeastern 
promontory, formed by the embouchure of the river 



Expedition of Lt. Col. Barry St. Leger. i ^2 

into the lake. The new position was far better chosen 
for a fortress than the old ; and, ultimately, before the 
Britons were dispossessed of it by the Americans, it be- 
came a work of somewhat formidable strength and di- 
mensions. The situation is one of the most beautiful 
that can be imagined ; and during the two or three 
years in which Major Duncan was in command, by the 
cultivation of a large garden, the laying out and im- 
proving of a bowling-green and other pleasure-grounds, 
it was rendered a little paradise in the wilderness.^ 

All told, the army of St. Leger consisted of seven- 
teen hundred men — Indians included. These latter 
were led by Thayendanegea. The order of their march 
as beautifully drawn and colored, was subsequently 
taken, with the escritoire of the commanding general. 
The advance of the main body, was formed of Indians, 
marching in five Indian columns ; that is, in single 
files, at large distances from each other, and four 
hundred and sixty paces in front of the line. From 
these columns of Indians, files were stretched at a 
distance of ten paces from each other, forming a line 
of communication with the advanced guard of the line, 
which was one hundred paces in front of the column. 
The right and left flanks were covered by Indians at one 
hundred paces, forming likewise lines of communica- 
tion with the main body. The king's regiment moved 
from the left by Indian file, while the 34th moved in 



^ See Mrs. Grant's delightful book — Memoirs of an American Lady^ 
chapters xliv to xlvii inclusive, Munsell's edition, 1876. 

14 



154 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

the same order from the right. The rear guard was 
formed of regular troops, while the advance guard, 
composed of sixty marksmen, detached from Sir John 
Johnson's regiment of Royal Greens, was led by Sir 
John's brother-in-law, Captain Watts. Each corps 
was likewise directed to have ten chosen marksmen in 
different parts of its line, in case of attack, to be pushed 
forward to any given point as circumstances might 
require.^ 

From these extraordinary precautions, it may well be 
inferred that Lt. Col. St. Leger, who probably acted 
much under the advice of Sir John Johnson and the 
refugee Provincials, who must have been best ac- 
quainted with the country and the character of the enemy 
they were going to encounter, was not a little appre- 
hensive of an attack by surprise while on his march. 
' In addition to the arrangements already indicated, a 
detachment from the 8th regiment, with a ftw Indians, 
was sent a day or more in advance, under the com- 
mand of Lieutenant Bird. This officer pushed for- 
ward with spirit, but was somewhat annoyed by the in- 
subordination and independent action of his allies. The 
following extracts from his private diary ^ will not only 
disclose his own embarrassments, but illustrate the 
character of Indian warriors acting in concert with regu- 
lar troops : 



^ MS. directions found among the captured papers of St. Leger. 
= MS. Diary of Lt. Henry Bird, captured from Lt. CoL St. Leger by CoL 
Gansevoort. 



Expedition of Lt. Col. Barry St. Leger. 155 

" Tuesday.^ 2^th July., ^111- — After going two miles, 
and no savages coming up, waited two hours for them. 
Sixteen Senecas arriving, proceeded to the Three riv- 
ers ^ — waited there two hours — seventy or eighty Mes- 
sesaugues coming up, I proposed moving forward. 
They had stolen two oxen from the drove of the army, 
and would not advance, but stayed to feast. I advanced 
without Indians seven miles farther — in all nineteen 
miles. Posted four sentinels all night from a sergeant's 
guard of twelve men — relieved every hour — visited 
every half hour. All fires put out at nine o'clock. 

" Wednesday. — Set ofF next morning at six, having 
waited for the savages till that time, though none ar- 
rived. Ordered the boats to keep seventy rods behind 
each other — half the men keeping their arms in their 
hands, while the other half rowed. Ordered, on any 
of the boats being fired upon, that the men should jum^p 
ashore. The rest to support them with all expedition. 
Rowed all night. Encamped at Nine-mile point. 

" Thursday., July 30. — With twenty-seven Senecas 
and nine Messesaugues joined Mr. Hair's party. ^ Many 
savages being with us, proceeded to Wood creek, a 
march of fifteen miles. ***>!'* 

" Friday. — The savages hinted an intention to send 
parties to Fort Stanwix, but to proceed in a body no 
farther. I called a council of the chiefs — told them I 
had orders to approach near the fort — that if they 



^ The junction of the Oneida, Seneca and Oswego rivers. 
= Lieut. Hair — afterward killed. 



156 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

would accompany me, I should be content ; but if they 
would not go, I should take the white people under my 
command, and proceed myself. The Messesaugues 
said they would go with me. The Senecas said I had 
promised to be advised by their chiefs — that it was their 
way to proceed with caution. I answered, that I 
meant only as to fighting in the bush, but that I had 
communicated my intentions to them in the former 
camp, of preventing them (the Americans meaning) 
from stopping the creek, ^ and investing their fort. But 
since I had promised to be advised by them, I would 
take it so far as to wait till next morning — and would 
then certainly march by daybreak. After some coun- 
selling, they seemed pleased with what I had said, and 
said they would send out large scouts to prepare the 
way. Accordingly eighteen or twenty set off this eve- 
ning." 

On the 2d of August, however, Bird wrote back to 
his general that no savages would advance with him 
except Henriques, a Mohawk, and one other of the Six 
Nations, an old acquaintance of his. The letter con- 
tinues : '' Those two, sir, I hope to have the honor to 
present to you. A savage, who goes by the name of 
Commodore Bradley, was the chief cause of their not 
advancing to-day. Twelve Messesaugues came up two 
or three hours after my departure. Those, with the 
scout of fifteen I had the honor to mention to you in 



• General Schuyler had directed the commanding officer of Fort Stan- 
wix to obstruct the navigation of Wood creek by felling trees therein. 



Expedition of Lt. Col. Barry St. Leger. 157 

my last, are sufficient to invest Fort Stanwix, if you 
favor me so far as not to order to the contrary." ^ 

St. Leger received this letter on the same day, at 
Nine-mile point, whence he immediately despatched 
the following reply : 

General St. Leger to Lieut. Bird. 

'■^ Nine Mile Point., Jug. 2, 1777. 
"Sir: "I this instant received your letter containing the 
account of your operations since you were detached, 
which I with great pleasure tell you have been sensible 
and spirited ; your resolution of investing Fort Stanwix 
is perfectly right; and to enable you to do it with 
greater effect, I have detached Joseph (Thayendanegea) 
and his corps of Lidians to reinforce you. You will 
observe that I will have nothing but an investiture 
made ; and in case the e-nemy, observing the discretion 
and judgment vv'ith which it is made, should offer to 
capitulate, you are to tell them that you are sure I am 
well disposed to listen to them ; this is not to take any 
honor out of a young soldier's hands, but by the pre- 
sence of the troops to prevent the barbarity and carnage 
which will ever obtain where Indians make so superior 
a part of a detachment ; I shall move from hence at 
eleven o'clock, and be early in the afternoon at the en- 
trance of the creek. 

" I am, sir, your most obt. and humble ser't, 
"- Lieut. Bird, Sth reg't." ^ " Barry St. Leger. 



^ MS. of the original letter, among the Gansevoort papers. 
2 MS. of the original letter, among the Gansevoort papers — Vide, also, 
Campbell's Annals. 



158 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

The investment of the fort was made by Lieut. Bird 
forthwith — Brant arriving to his assistance at the same 
time. But the result of the siege that followed proved 
that the British commander had grievously miscal- 
culated the spirit of the garrison of Fort Stanwix, in his 
anticipations of a speedy capitulation. Still, his pruden- 
tial order, the object of which was to prevent an un- 
necessary sacrifice of life at the hands of his Indian 
allies, calculating, of course, upon an easy victory, was 
not the less comiTiendable on that account. 

The situation of Fort Stanwix itself — or rather Fort 
Schuyler, as it must now be called — next demands at- 
tention. At the beginning of the year, as we have al- 
ready seen, the post was commanded by Colonel 
Elmore of the state service. The term of that officer 
expiring in April, Colonel Peter Ganesvoort, also of 
the state troops, was designated as Colonel Elmore's 
successor, by an order from General Gates, dated the 
26th of that month. Notwithstanding the labors of 
Colonel Drayton, in repairing the works, the preceding 
year, Colonel Gansevoort found them in such a state of 
dilapidation, that they were not only indefensible, but un- 
tenable. A brisk correspondence ensued between that 
officer and General Schuyler upon the subject, fr;m 
which it is manifest that, to say nothing of the miserable 
condition of his defences, with the prospect of an inva- 
sion from the West before him, his situation was in 
other respects sufficiently deplorable. He had but a 
small number of men, and many of those were sick by 



Expedition of Lt. Col. Barry St, Leger. 159 

reason of destitution.^ Added to all which was the re- 
sponsibility of the Indian relations confided to him by 
special order of General Schuyler on the 9th of June.^ 
Colonel Marinus Willett was soon afterward directed 
to join the garrison at Fort Schuyler with his regiment, 
and most fortunate was the selection of such an officer 
as Willett to cooperate with such another as Ganse- 
voort ; since all the skill, and energy, and courage of 
both were necessary for the situation. The work itself 
was originally a square fort, with four bastions, sur- 
rounded by a ditch of considerable width and depth, 
with a covert way and glacis around three of its angles ; 
the other being sufficiently secured by low, marshy 
ground. In front of the gate there had been a draw- 
bridge, covered by a salient angle raised in front on the 
glacis. In the centre of the ditch a row of perpendicu- 
lar pickets had been erected, with rows of horizontal 
pickets fixed around the ramparts under the embrasures. 
But since the conclusion of the French war, the fort 
had fallen into decay ; the ditch was filled up, and the 



^ Letters among the Gansevoort papers. 

2 " You will keep up a friendly intercourse with the Indians, and suffer 
no speeches to be made to them by any person not employed in the Indian 
department 5 and when you have occasion to speak to them, let your 
speech be written, and a copy transmitted to me, that the commissioners 
may be informed of every transaction with those people." — Schuyler''s 
letter to Colonel Ganse'voort. Colonel G. lost no time in holding a council 
with such of the chiefs and warriors as yet remained friendly, and he 
seems to have fully acquired their confidence. He delivered a sensible 
speech on the occasion, but it contains nothing requiring farther note. 



1 60 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

pickets had rotted and fallen down ;^ nor had any suita- 
ble progress been made in its reparation. Immediate 
exertions, energetic and unremitting, were necessary to 
repair, or rather to renew and reconstruct, the works, 
and place them in a posture of defence, should the long 
anticipated invasion ensue from that quarter. A more 
correct idea of the wretched condition of the post, even 
down to the beginning of July, may be found from the 
annexed letter :^ 

Col. Gansevoort to Gen. Schuyler. 

" Fort Schuyler^ July ^th^ 1777- 
Sir : 

Having taken an accurate review of the state of the 
garrison, I think it is incumbent on me to inform your 
Excellency by express of our present circumstances. 
Every possible assistance is given to Captain Mar- 
quizee, to enable him to carry on such works as are 
deemed absolutely necessary for the defence of the gar- 
rison. The soldiers are constantly at work — even such 
of them as come off guard are immediately turned out 
to fatigue. But I cannot conceal from your Excellency 
the impossibility of attending fully to all the great ob- 
jects pointed out in the orders issued to the command- 
ing officer on the station, without farther assistance. 
Sending out sufficient parties of observation, felling the 
timber into Wood creek, clearing the road from Fort 



^ Willctt's Narrati've. 

2 MS. copy preserved among General Gansevoort's papers. 



Expedition of Lt. Col. Barry St. Leger. i6i 

Dayton, which is so embarrassed, in many parts, as to 
be impassable, and prosecuting, at the same time, the 
internal business of the garrison, are objects of the 
greatest importance, which should, if possible, be im- 
mediately considered. But while no exertions compati- 
ble with the circumstances we are in, and necessary to 
give your Excellency satisfaction with respect to all 
these interesting matters, shall be omitted, I am very 
sensible it is not in our power to get over some capital 
obstructions without a reinforcement. The enclosed 
return, and the difficulties arising from the increasing 
number of hostile Indians, will show to your Excellency 
the grounds of my opinion. One hundred and fifty 
men would be needed speedily and effectually to ob- 
struct Wood creek ; an equal number will be necessary 
to guard the men at work in felling and hauling of tim- 
ber. Such a deduction from our number, together 
with smaller deductions for scouting parties, would 
scarcely leave a man in the garrison, which might, there- 
fore, be easily surprised by a contemptible party of the 
enemy. The number of inimical Indians increases. 
On the affair of last week only two made their appear- 
ance. Yesterday a party of at least forty, supposed to 
be Butler's emissaries, attacked Ensign Sporr with six- 
teen privates, who were out on fatigue, cutting turf 
about three quarters of a mile from the fort. One sol- 
dier was brought in dead and inhumanly mangled ; two 
were brought in wounded — one of them slightly and 
the other mortally. Six privates and Mr. Sporr are 
missing. Two parties were immediately sent to pursue 



1 62 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

the enemy, but they returned without being able to 
come up with them. This success will, no doubt, en- 
courage them to send out a greater number ; and the 
intelligence they may possibly acquire, will probably 
hasten the main body destined to act against us in these 
parts. Our provision is greatly diminished by reason 
of the spoiling of the beef, and the quantities that must 
be given from time to time to the Indians. It will not 
hold out above six weeks. Your Excellency will per- 
ceive, in looking over Captain Savage's return of the 
state of the artillery, that some essential articles are 
very scarce. As a great number of the gun-bullets do 
not suit the fire-locks, some bullet-rnoulds of different 
sizes for casting others, would be of great advantage to 
us. Our stock of powder is absolutely too little 5 a ton, 
in addition to what we have, is wanted as the lowest 
proportion for the shot we have on hand. We will, 
notwithstanding every difficulty, exert ourselves to the 
utmost of our power ; and if your Excellency will be 
pleased to order a speedy reinforcement, with a suffi- 
cient supply of provision and ammunition to enable us 
to hold out a siege, we will, I hope, by the blessing of 
God, be able to give a good account of any force that 
will probably come against us." 

The picture is gloomy enough •, and was rendered the 
more so from the mistakes of the engineer, a Frenchman, 
who had been employed by General Schuyler, and whom 
it was ultimately found necessary to arrest and send back 
to head-quarters. ^ Colonel Willett had from the first 



fVillett's Narrati-ve. 



Expedition of Lt. Col. Barry St. Leger. 163 

doubted the capacity of Marquizee, and after his dis- 
missal the work proceeded for the most part under his 
own immediate direction. 

The o;arrison had likewise other difficulties to en- 
counter. With the gathering of St. Leger's motley 
forces at Oswego, preparatory to his descent upon the 
Mohawk, the Indians, as has already been seen by Ganse- 
voort's letter, began to appear in scouting parties in the 
circumjacent forests. The utmost caution was therefore 
necessary on leaving the fort, even for a short distance. 
It was during this critical period that the familiar incident 
of Captain Gregg and his faithful dog occurred, of which 
the following brief account was given by Colonel Ganse- 
voort : 

Col. Gansevoort to Gen. Schuyler (Extract). 
'■''Fort Schuyler^ fune 26, 1 777. 
" I am sorry to inform your Honor that Captain Gre^g 
and Corporal Madison, of my regiment, went out a. gun- 
ning yesterday morning, contrary to orders. It seems 
they went out just after breakfast, and at about ten o'clock 
Corporal Madison was killed and scalped. Captain 
Gregg was shot through his back, tomahawked and 
scalped, and is still alive. He informs me that the mis- 
fortune happened about ten o'clock in the morning. He 
looked at his watch after he was scalped. He saw but 
two Indians. He was about one mile and a half from 
the fort, and was not discovered until two o'clock in the 
afternoon. I immediately sent out a party and had him 
brought into the fort, just after three o'clock ; also the 



1 64 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

corpse of Madison. Gregg is perfectly in his senses, and 
speaks strong and hearty, notwithstanding that his re- 
covery is doubtful." ' 

There was little of romance in Colonel Gansevoort 
and he related the incident with military brevity. The 
story, however, has often been told, with a variety of 
amplifications, particularly in regard ta the wounded sol- 
dier's faithful dog, to whose affectionate sagacity he is 
said to have been indebted for his discovery, if not his 
life. According to the narrative of President Dwight, 
it appears that Gregg and his companion had been seduced 
into a fatal disobedience of orders, by the clouds of 
pigeons appearing in the adjoining woods. Immediately 
upon their fall, the Indians rushed upon them for their 
scalps, which they took — giving each a simultaneous 
cut upon the head with their tomahawks. The corporal 
had been killed by the shot, but Captain Gregg was only 
wounded.^ Feigning death, however, he had the presence 
of mind, and the fortitude, to submit to the subsequent 
torture without betraying himself by a groan or the 
quivering of a muscle. The Indians departing imme- 
diately. Captain Gregg crawled to his lifeless compan- 
ion, and pillowed his head upon his body ; while his 



^ MS. of the original draught, among Col. Gansevoort's papers. 

^ It has been asserted in history, that St. Leger encouraged tliese isolated 
murders by large bounties for scalps. Twenty dollars is said to have been 
the price he paid j but his despatch to Lieut. Bird, before cited, does not 
corroborate the charge of such inhumanity. That despatch was a private 
document, moreover, not written for the light, or for effect, and must 
therefore be received as true. It was found among Col. Gansevoort's papers. 



Expedition of Lt. Col. Barry St. Leger. 165 

faithful dog ran to a place at no great distance thence, 
where two men were engaged in fishing, and by his im- 
ploring looks and significant actions, induced them to 
follow him to the spot where lay his wounded master. 
Hastening to the fort, the fishermen reported what they 
had seen, and a party of soldiers being forthwith de- 
spatched to the place, the bodies of the wounded and the 
dead were speedily brought into the garrison, as we have 
seen from the: colonel's official account. Captain Gregg 
was severely wounded, independently of the scalping ; 
and his case was for a long time critical. 

The friendly Indians, then chiefly, if not exclusively, 
Oneidas, though still acting and speaking in the name 
of the Six Nations, presented an address of condolence 
to Colonel Gansevoort on this occasion, to which the 
latter made a suitable reply, which alone has been pre- 
served, and reads as follows : 

" Brother Warriors of the Six Nations : I 
thank you for your good talk. 

" Brothers : You tell us you are sorry for the cruel 
usage of Captain Gregg, and the murder of one of our 
warriors ; that you would have immediacely pursued the 
murderers, had not General Schuyler, General Gates, 
and the French general, desired you not to take any part 
in this war ; and that you have obeyed their orders, and 
are resolved to do so. I commend your good inclina- 
tion and intention. 

" Brothers : You say you have sent a runner to the 
Six Nations, to inform them of what has happened, and 
that you expect some of your chiefs will look into the 
J 5 



1 66 Campaign of General John Burgoyne, 

affair, and try to find out the murderers. You have done 
well. I shall be glad to smoke a pipe with your chiefs, 
and hope they will do as they speak. 

" Brothers : I hope the mischief has been done, not 
by any of our good friends of the Oneida nation, but by 
the tories, who are enemies to you as well as to us, and 
who are ready to murder yourselves, your wives, and 
children, if you will not be as wicked as themselves. 

Brothers : When your chiefs shall convince me that 
Indians of the Six Nations have had no hand in this 
wicked thing, and shall use means to find out the mur- 
derers and bring them to justice, you may be assured 
that we will strengthen the chain of friendship, and em- 
brace you as our good brothers. I will not suffer any 
of our warriors to hurt you." 

The address contained two or three additional para- 
graphs in reference to other subjects. Captain Gregg 
recovered, and resumed his duties ; and having served to 
the end of the war, lived many years afterward. 

Another tragic incident occurred at nearly the same 
time. About noon, on the 3d of July, the day being 
perfectly clear. Colonel Willett was startled from his 
siesta by the report of musketry. Hastening to the para- 
pet of the glacis, he saw a little girl running with a 
basket in her hand, while the blood was trickling down 
her bosom. On investigating the facts, it appeared that 
the girl, with two others,^ was picking berries, not two 



' One of the girls was Caty Steese, a servant of Capt. Johannis Roff 
(Roof) which was the cause of his attempt to do violence to Cornplanter 
when, in 1797, he confessed to having killed her {Bru/it, vol. 11, p. 411, 

note). — Letter from Col. Game-voort to Col. Fun Scha'tck^ J'^h -S'^-** ^777- 



Expedition of Lt. Col. Barry St. Leger. 167 

hundred yards from the fort, when they were fired upon 
by a party of Indians, and two of the number killed. 
Happily, she who only was left to tell the tale, was but 
slightly wounded. One of the girls killed, was the 
daughter of an invalid, who had served many years in 
the British artillery. He was entitled to a situation in 
Chelsea hospital, but had preferred rather to remain in 
the cultivation of a small piece of ground at Fort Stan- 
wix, than again to cross the ocean.' 

By the middle of July, the Indians hovering about the 
fort became so numerous, and so bold, as to occasion 
great annoyance. Large parties of soldiers could only 
venture abroad on the most pressing emergencies ; and 
even one of these was attacked, several of its numbers 
killed and wounded, and the officer in command taken 
prisoner. The force of the garrison, at this time, con- 
sisted of about five hundred and fifty men — ill-supplied, 
as we have already seen, both with provisions and muni- 
tions of war. Fortunately, however, on the 2d of August, 
the very day of the investiture of the fort by the advance 
of St. Leger's army, under Thayendanegea and Bird, 
Lieutenant Colonel Mellon, of Colonel Weston's regi- 
ment, arrived with two hundred men, and two bateaux 
of provisions and military stores. Not a moment was 
lost in conveying these opportune supplies into the fort. 
Delay would, indeed, have been dangerous ; for at the 
instant the last loads arrived at the fort, the enemy ap- 
peared on the skirt of the forest, so near to the boats. 



* JVillett's Narrath 



1 68 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

that the captain who commanded them became their 
prisoner.^ 

The command of Colonel Gansevoort now consisted 
of seven hundred and fifty men, all told , and upon ex- 
amination it was ascertained that they had provisions for 
six weeks — with fixed ammunition enough for the small 
arms. But for the cannon they were lamentably defi- 
cient — having barely enough for nine rounds per diem 
during the period specified. A besieging army was before 
the fort, and its garrison was without a flag ! But as 
necessity is the mother of invention, they were not long 
thus destitute. Stripes of white were cut from ammuni- 
tion shirts ; blue from a camblet cloak captured from 
the enemy ; while the red was supplied from such odds 
and ends of clothes of that hue as were at hand.^ And, 
thus furnished, commenced the celebrated defence of 
Fort Schuyler. 

Such was the condition of Fort Schuyler at the com- 
mencement of the memorable siege of 1777 — an event, 
with its attending circumstances, forming an important 
feature in the northern border warfare of the Revolution. 
Colonel St. Leger 3 himself arrived before the fort on the 



* Willett's Narrati've. 

2 Idem. 

3 It is difficult, from the books, to determine what was at that time tlie 
precise rank of St. Leger. He has usually been called a brigadier gene- 
ral. By some contemporary writers he was called Colonel St. Leger. But 
in General Burgoyne's despatches to Lord George Germaine, of August 20, 
1777, he is lepeatedly denominated Lieutenant Colonel St. Leger. He is 
also called Colonel St. Leger by Bissett. But he, nevertheless, signed his 
name as a brigadier general in a letter to Col. Gansevoort, on the 9th 
of August. 



Expedition of Lt. Col. Barry St, Leger. 169 

3d of August, with his whole force — a motley col- 
lection of British regulars, Hessian auxiliaries, New 
York loyalists, usually denominated Johnson's Greens, 
together with numbers of the Canadians, and the Indians 
under Thayendanegea. Sir John Johnson, and Colonels 




SIR JOHN JOHNSON. 

Claus and Butler,' were also engaged with him in the 
expedition. A flag was sent into the fort on the morning 
of that day, with a copy of a rather pompous proclama- 
tion from St. Leger, which, it was probably supposed, 
from its vaunting threats and lavish promises, might pro- 



I At the breaking out of the war, John Butler was lieutenant colonel of 
a regiment of the Tryon county militia, of which Guy Johnson was the 
colonel and Jelles Fonda the major. Sir John had been commissioned a 
general after the decease of his father. 



lyo Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

duce a strong impression upon the garrison. " The 
forces intrusted to my command are designed to act in 
concert, and upon a common principle, with the nu- 
merous armies and fleets which already display, in every 
quarter of America, the power, the justice, and, when 
properly sought, the mercy of the king." So commenced 
the proclamation. After denouncing '■' the unnatural 
rebellion" as having already been made the " foundation 
for the completest system of tyranny that ever God in 
his displeasure suffered for a time to be exercised over a 
froward and stubborn generation," and charging that 
" arbitrary imprisonment, confiscation of property, per- 
secution and torture, unprecedented in the inquisitions of 
the Roman church, were among the palpable enormities 
tha verified the affirmation" — and after denouncing 
" the profanation of religion," and other "shocking pro- 
ceedings" of the civil authorities and committees in re- 
bellion, the proclamation proceeded — " animated by 
these considerations ; at the head of troops in the full 
powers of health, discipline, and valor ; determined to 
strike where necessary, and anxious to spare when pos- 
sible, I, by these presents, invite and exhort all persons 
in all places where the progress of this army may point, 
and by the blessing of God I will extend it far, to 
maintain such a conduct as may justify me in protecting 
their lands, habitations, and families." The object of 
his address was to hold forth security, and not depreda- 
tion ; he offered employment to those who would join 
his standard ; security to the infirm and industrious ; 
and payment in coin for all the supplies the people would 



Expedition of Lt. Col. Barry St. Leger. 1 7 1 

bring to his camp. In conclusion, he said — " If, not- 
withstanding these endeavors and sincere inclinations to 
effect them, the frenzy of hostility should remain, I 
trust I shall stand acquitted in the eyes of God and men, 
in denouncing and executing the vengeance of the state 
against the wilful outcasts. The messengers of justice 
and of wrath await them in the field ; and devastation, 
famine, and every concomitant b.orror that a reluctant, 
but indispensable prosecution of military duty must oc- 
casion, will bar the way to their return." 

This manifesto, however, produced no effect, then or 
afterward. The siege had been anticipated, and the 
brave garrison, officers and men, had counted the cost 
and determined to defend the fortress to the last. Ac- 
cordingly, hostilities commenced actively on the morning 
of the following day. The Indians, concealing them- 
selves behind clumps of shrubbery and stumps of trees, 
annoyed the men who were employed in raising the 
parapets not a little with their rifles. Several were 
wounded ; and it was found necessary immediately to 
station sharp-shooters at suitable points, to watch op- 
portunities, and fire in return. The 5th was spent in 
much the same manner,..with the addition of the throw- 
ing of a few shells by the enemy — several of which fell 
within the fort, and some in the barracks. '' On the 
evening of this day, soon-after it was dark, the Indians, 
who were at least one thousand in number, spread them- 
selves through the woods, completely encircling the fort, 
and commenced a terrible yelling, which was continued 
at intervals the greater part of the night." 



172 Campaign of General John Burgoyne, 

Having thus commenced his operations/ Colonel St. 
Leger found means of conveying the intelligence to 
General Burgoyne — not for a moment anticipating the 
distressing circumstances in which the northern com 
mander-in-chief already found himself involved, though 
but mid-way in the career of victory. Harassed in- 
cessantly by the foes he had vanquished ; unable to 
obtain supplies, except by sending back for them to Fort 
George, in which service his troops were already greatly 
fatigued ; not one-third of his horses arrived from Canada ; 
the roads excessively bad, and rendered all but impassable 
by a deluge of rain ; with only four days of provisions 
on hand ; the vaunting general, who had boasted in the 
British capital that, with ten thousand men, he could 
march through the whole rebel country at pleasure, 
already found himself in an unenviable situation. But 
on learning the advance of Lt. Col. St. Leger, he instantly 
and justly considered that a rapid movement forward, at 
this critical juncture, would be of the utmost importance. 
If the retreating Americans should proceed up the 
Mohawk with a view of relieving Fort Schuyler, in the 
event of St. Leger's success against that place they would 
place themselves between two -fires ; or perhaps Bur- 
goyne supposed that were such a movement to be made 
on the part of the Americans, he might yet throw his 
army between them and Albany, and thus compel them 
either to stand a general engagement or to strike oft' to 
the right, and by recrossing the Hudson higher up, secure 



* Wilktt's Narrati'^^ 



Expedition of Lt. Col. Barry St. Leger. 173 

a retreat Into New England. If, on the other hand, the 
Americans should abandon Fort Schuyler to its fate, and 
themselves fall back upon Albany, he argued that the 
Mohawk country would of course be entirely laid open 
to him ; his junction with St. Leger established, and the 
combi:.ed army be at liberty to select its future line of 
operation. But his supplies were inadequate to such an 
extensive operation, and his army was too weak to allow 
him to keep up such a chain of posts as would enable 
him to bring them up daily from the depot at Lake 
George. With a view, therefore, of obtaining imme- 
diate relief, and of opening a new source of supply, espe- 
cially of cattle, from the upper settlements of New 
England, the expedition to Bennington, the place of de- 
posit of provisions for the provincial forces, was planned, 
and committed to a detachment of the Brunswicker 
troops, under Colonel Baum, for execution. The signal 
failure of this expedition was calculated still farther both 
to embarrass and depress the invaders ; while the brilliant 
success of the militia under General Stark on that oc- 
casion, proving, as it had done, that neither English nor 
German troops were invincible, revived the drooping 
spirits of the disheartened ; reinspired the people with 
confidence of ultimate success ; and was the source of 
universal exultation. 

The progress of events brings us back to the lower 
valley of the Mohawk. No sooner was the advance of 
St. Leger upon Fort Schuyler known to the committee 
and officers of Tryon county, than General Herkimer, 
in conformity with the proclamation heretofore cited, 



1 74 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

summoned the militia of his command to the field, for 
the purpose of marching to the succor of the garrison. 
Notwithstanding the despondency that had prevailed in 
the early part of the summer, the call was nobly re- 
sponded to, not only by the militia, but by the gentlemen 
of the county, and most of the members of the com- 
mittee, who entered the field either as officers or private 
volunteers. The fears so generally and so recently in- 
dulged seemed all to have vanished with the arrival of 
the invader, and the general soon found himself at the 
head of between eight hundred and a thousand men, all 
eager for action and impatient of delay. Their place of 
rendezvous was at Fort Dayton (German Flats), in the 
upper section of the Mohawk valley — and the most 
beautiful. The regiments were those of Colonels Klock, 
Visscher, Cox, and one or two others, augmented by 
volunteers and volunteer officers, who were pushing for- 
ward as though determined at all hazards to redeem the 
character of the county. Indeed, their proceedings were 
by far too impetuous, since they hurried forward in their 
march without order or precaution, without adequate 
flanking parties, and without reconnoitering the ground 
over which they were to pass. They moved from Fort 
Dayton on the 4th, and on the 5th reached the neighbor- 
hood of Oriskany,^ where they encamped. From this 
point, an express^ was sent forward by General Herkimer 



I 



^ Probably the site of Whitestown. One of the MS. narratives in the 
author's possession says they crossed the river at old Fort Schuyler (now 
Utica). 

^ Adam Helmer accompanied by two other men. 



Expedition of Lt. Col. Barry St, Leger. 175 

to apprise Colonel Gansevoort of his approach, and to 
concert measures of cooperation. The arrival of the 
express at the fort was to be announced by three suc- 
cessive discharges of cannon, the report of which, it 
was supposed, would be distinctly heard at Oriskany — 
only eight miles distant. Delays, however, intervened, 
so that the messengers did not reach the fort until ten or 
eleven o'clock on the following morning ; previous to 
which the camp of the enemy being uncommonly silent, 
a portion of their troops had been observed by the garri- 
son to be moving along the edge of the woods down the 
river, in the direction of the Oriskany creek. ^ The 
concerted signals were immediately fired f and as the pro- 
position of Herkimer was to force a passage to the fort, 
arrangements were immediately made by Colonel Ganse • 
voort to effect a diversion of the enemy's attention, by 
making a sally from the fort upon the hostile camp, for 
which purpose two hundred men were detailed, consist- 
ing one-half of Gansevoort's, and one-half of the Mas- 
sachusetts troops, and one field-piece — an iron three 
pounder. The execution of the enterprise was entrusted 
to Colonel Willett. 3 

It appears that on the morning of that day, which was 



^ Letter of Colonel Willett to Governor Trumbull of Cannecticut. 

2 MS. of Captain Henry Seeber, in the author's possession. See, also, 
Wilhtt'i Narrati've. 

3 Willett's letter to Governor Trumbull. The officers serving in this 
detachment were Captain Van Benschoten and Lieutenant Stockvi^ell, who 
led the advance guard j Captain Allen (of Massachusetts), Bleecker, Johnson, 
and Swartwoutj Lieutenant Diefendorf, Conyne, Bogardus, M'Clenner 
and Ball j Ensign Chase, Bailey, Lewis, Dennison, Magee, and Arnent. 
The rear guard was commanded by Major Badlam. 



176 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

the 6th of August, General Herkimer had misgivings as 
to the propriety of advancing any farther without first 
receiving reinforcements. His officers, however, were 
eager to press forward. A consultation was held, in 
which some of the officers manifested much impatience 
at any delay, while the general still urged them to remain 
where they were until reinforcements could come up, or 
at least until the signal of a sortie should be received 
from the fort. High words ensued, during which 
Colonels Cox and Paris, and many others, denounced 
their commander as a tory and coward. The brave old 
man calmly replied that he considered himself placed 
over them as a father, and that it was not his wish to 
lead them into any difficulty from which he could not 
extricate them. Burning, as they now seemed, to meet 
the enemy, he told them roundly that they would run 
at his first appearance.^ But his remonstrances were 
unavailing. Their clamor increased, and their reproaches 
were repeated, until, stung by imputations of cowardice 
and a want of fidelity to the cause,^ and somewhat 
irritated withal, the general immediately gave the order — 
" March on ! " 3 The words were no sooner heard than 
the troops gave a shout, and moved, or rather rushed 
forward. They marched in files of two deep, preceded 
by an advanced guard and keeping flanks upon each side.** 



'■ Tra-vels of President Dwight, vol. in, p. 192. 

^ MS. statement of George Walter, in possession of the author; also of 
Henry Seeber. 

3 Statement of Adam Miller, in possession of the author. 

4 It has been charged by most writers that even these ordinary precau- 
tions were not observed. Miller and Walter, however, both assert the fact. 



i/" 





m^^ 







Expedition of Lt. Col. Barry St. Leger. 177 

Having, by ten o'clock, proceeded rapidly forward to 
the distance of only two or three miles,' the guards, both 
front and flanks, were suddenly shot down, the forest 
rang with the war whoops of a savage foe, and in an in- 
stant the greater part of the division found itself in the 
midst of a formidable ambuscade. Colonel St. Leger, 
it appeared, having heard of the advance of General 
Herkimer, in order to prevent an attack in his entrench- 
ments, had detached a division of Sir John Johnson's 
regiment of Greens, under Sir John's brother-in-lavi^, 
Major Watts, Colonel Butler with his rangers, and 
Joseph Brant with a strong body of Indians, to intercept 
his approach.^ With true Indian sagacity, Thayenda- 
negea had selected a position admirably fitted for his pur- 
pose, which was, to draw the Americans, whom he well 
knew to be approaching in no very good military array, 
into an ambuscade. The locality favored his design. ^ 



^ The battle ground is about two miles west of Oriskany, and six from 
Whitesborough. 

2 In every account of this battle which has fallen under the author's ob- 
servation, excepting that of Colonel Willett, Sir John Johnson is made the 
British commander at this battle. He was not in it at all, as will appear 
a few pages forward. Even the cautious and inquisitive President Dwight 
falls into error, and carries it through his whole account. 

3 "The country presented ample opportunities for such a stratagem ; and 
its advantages were not neglected. The ambush was set about two miles 
from Fort Stanwix, where a primitive corduroy road was the sole method 
of traversing a swampy hollow or ravine, drained by a little affluent of that 
stream. This road was completely commanded by heights on either hand, 
covered with dense woods, in which Sir John Johnson stationed his marks- 
men, both whites and savages. It was as handsome a trap as that which 
Hermann or Arminius set for the Legions of Verus in the Teutoberger 



1 7 8 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

There was a deep ravine crossing the path which Herki- 
mer with his undiscipHned array was traversing, " sweep- 
ing toward the east in a semi-circular form, and bearing 
a northern and southern direction. The bottom of this 
ravine was marshy, and the road crossed it by means of 
a causeway. The ground, thus partly enclosed by the 
ravine, was elevated and level. The ambuscade was 
laid upon the high ground west of the ravine." ^ 

The enemy had disposed himself adroitly, in a circle, 
leaving only a narrow segment open for the admission 
of the ill starred Provincials on their approach. The 
stratagem was successful. Unconscious of the presence 
of the foe, Herkimer, with his whole army excepting the 
rear-guard, composed of Colonel Visscher's regiment, 
found himself encompassed at the first fire — the enemy 
closing up the gap at the instant of making himself known. 
By thus early completing the circle, the baggage and 
ammunition wagons, which had just descended into the 
ravine, were cut off and separated from the main body, 
as also was the regiment of Colonel Visscher, yet on the 
eastern side of the ravine ; which, as their general had 
predicted, instantly and ingloriously fled, leaving their 
companions to their fate. They were pursued, however, 
by a portion of the Indians, and suffered more severely. 



forest, eighteen centuries previous — an ambush which determined the fate 
of Roman progress into the free German land, just as the issue of Oriskany, 
reversing the case, checked the progress of the British into the free German 
flatlands of the Mohawk." — Gen. J. Watts De Peyster^ in His. Mag., Neiv 
ISeries, vol. v. No. i. 

* CampbelPs Annals. 



Expedition of Lt. CoL Barry St. Leger. 179 

probably, than they would have done, had they stood by 
their fellows in the hour of need, either to conquer or 
to fall.^ 

Being thrown into irretrievable disorder by the sudden- 
ness of the surprise and the destructiveness of the fire, 
which was close and brisk from every side, the divi- 
sion was for a time threatened with annihilation. At 
e\ery opportunity the savages, concealed behind the 
trunks of trees, darted forward with knife and tomahawk 
to ensure the destruction of those who fell ; and many 
and fierce were the conflicts that ensued hand to hand. 
The veteran Herkimer fell, wounded, in the early part 
of the action — a musket ball having passed through and 
killed his horse, and shattered his own leg just below the 
knee."^ The general ,,was placed upon his saddle, how- 



^ Believing, as stated in a preceding note, that my father's account of this 
battle is the most reliable of any extant, I have preferred to keep the text 
as much as possible intact. I cannot, however, refrain from saying, in this 
connection, that I think the imputation of cowardice in regard to Col. 
Visscher's regiment is hardly justified in view of all the circumstances. 
Perhaps no body of men were as ready and anxious to perform their duty 
as were the patriotic members of Col. Visscher's regiment. It must be re- 
membered that it was composed of farmers who had never seen service ; 
and it is scarcely to be wondered at that when they saw themselves cut off, 
flanked, fired upon by an unseen foe accompanied by most hideous yells, 
they were panic-stricken, and did not wheel into line in the dense woods 
and fire upon enemies immediately in range of friends. Neither could the 
voice of their brave commander have been heard under the circumstances 
any more than as if they had been in the cave of the winds. It is strange, 
too, that Col. Visscher's regiment should have suffered as they did, had it 
given danger such a wide berth 5 for the fact is undisputed that a very large 
proportion of the regiment was either killed or wounded. 

- Walton's MS. account. 



1 80 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

ever, against the trunk of a tree for his support, and thus 
continued to order the battle. Colonel Cox, and Cap- 
tains Davis and Van Sluyck, v^ere severally killed near 
the commencement of the engagement j and the slaughter 
of their broken ranks, from the rifles of the tories and 
the spears and tomahawks of the Indians, was dreadful. 
But even in this deplorable situation the wounded general, 
his men dropping like leaves around him, and the forest 
resounding with the horrid yells of the savages, ringing 
high and wild over the din of battle, behaved with the 
most perfect firmness and composure. The action had 
lasted about forty-five minutes in great disorder, before 
the Provincials formed themselves into circles in order to 
repel the attacks of the enemy, who were concentrating, 
and closing in upon them from all sides. ^ From this 
moment the resistance of the Provincials was more effect- 
ive, and the enemy attempted to charge with the bayonet. 
The firing ceased for a time, excepting the scattering 
discharges of musketry from the Indians ; and as the 
bavonets crossed, the -contest became a death struggle, 
hand to hand and foot to foot. Never, however, did 
brave men stand a charge with more dauntless courage, 
and the enemy for the moment seemed to recoil — just 
at the instant when the work of death was arrested by a 
heavy shower of rain, which suddenly broke upon the 
combatants with great fury. The storm raged for up- 
ward of an hour, during which time the enemy sought such 



^ The first movement of this kind was made by Jacob Seeber, without 
orders, according to the narrative of Henry Seeber. 



Expedition of Lt. Col. Barry St. Leger. i8i 

shelter as might be found among the trees at a respectful 
distance ; for they had already suffered severely, not- 
withstanding the advantages in their favor.' 

During this suspension of the battle, both parties had 
time to look about, and make such w^w dispositions as 
they pleased for attack and defence, on renewing the 
murderous conflict. The Provincials, under the direc- 
tion of their general, were so fortunate as to take pos- 
session of an advantageous piece of ground, upon which 
his men formed themselves into a circle, and as the 
shower broke away, awaited the movements of the enemy. 
In the early part of the battle, the Indians, whenever 
they saw a gun fired by a militia-man from behind a 
tree, rushed upon and tomahawked him before he could 
reload. In order to counteract this mode of warfare, 
two men were stationed behind a single tree, -one only 
to fire at a time — the other reserving his fire until the 
Indians ran up as before.^ The fight was presently re- 
newed, and by the naw arrangement, and the cool exe- 
cution done by the fire of the militia forming the main 
circle, the Indians were made to suffer severely ; so much 



^ " At this crisis of the day, when a dropping or drizzling rain of death 
was covering the narrow field with dead and wounded, the crash and horror 
of the battle were suspended by the fierce tumult of a thunder-storm of 
tropical violence — as fierce as that which broke upon the battle-field of 
Chantilly, on the first of September, 1862, converting the afternoon into 
night, amidst whose charm another republican hero, Kearny, passed like 
Herkimer from earthly fame to eternal glory, offering up his great life for 
the rights of man and for freedom." — Gen. y. Watts, De Peyster. 

2 Campbell^s Annals. 



1 82 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

so that they began to give way, when Major Watts ^ 
came up with a reinforcement, consisting of another de- 
tachment of Johnson's Greens.^ These men were mostly 
loyalists who had fled from Tryon county, now returned 
in arms against their former neighbors. As no quarrels 
are so bitter as those of families, so no wars are so cruel 
and passionate as those called civil. Many of the Pro- 
vincials and Greens were known to each other ; and as 
they advanced so near as to afford opportunities of mutual 
recognition, the contest became, if possible, more of a 
death struggle than before. Mutual resentments, and 
feelings of hate and revenge, raged in their bosoms. 
The Provincials fired upon them as they advanced, and 
then, springing like chafed tigers from their covers, at- 
tacked them with their bayonets and the butts of their 
muskets, or both parties in closer contact throttled each 
other and drew their knives ; stabbing, and sometimes 
literally dying in one another's embrace. 

At length a firing was heard in the distance from the 
fort, a sound as welcome to the Provincials as it was 
astounding to the enemy. Availing themselves of the 
hint, however, a ruse de- guerre was attempted by Colonel 
Butler, which had well-nigh proved fatal. It was the 
sending, suddenly, from the direction of the fort, a de- 
tachment of the Greens disguised as American troops. 



^ Brother of the late venerable John Watts, of New York. 

2 Campbell. The enemy, as on the march from Oswego, had posted a 
line of sentinels at short distances from each other, extending from St. 
Leger's intrenchments to the scene of action 5 so that communicarions 
could be interchanged rapidly and at pleasure. 



Expedition of Lt. Col. Barry St. Leger. 183 

in the expectation that they might be receiv^ed as a timely 
reinforcement from the garrison. Lieutenant Jacob 
Sammons was the first to descry their approach, in the 
direction of a body of men commanded by Captain Jacob 
Gardenicr — an officer who, during that memorable day, 
performed prodigies of valor. Perceiving that their hats 
were American, Sammons informed Captain Gardenier 
that succors from the fort were coming up. The quick 
eye of the captain detected the ruse^ and he replied — 
*•' Not so : they are enemies ; don't you see their green 
coats ! " ^ They continued to advance until hailed by 
Gardenier, at which moment one of his own soldiers, 
observing an acquaintance, and supposing him a friend, 
ran to meet him, and presented his hand. It was grasped, 
but with no friendly gripe, as the credulous fellow was 
dragged into the opposing line informed that he was a 
prisoner. He did not yield without a struggle ; during 
which Gardenier, watching the action and the result, 
sprang forward, and with a blow from his spear levelled 
the captor to the dust and liberated his man.^ Others 
of the foe instantly set upon him, of whom he slew the 
second and wounded a third. Three of the disguised 
Greens now sprang upon him, and one of his spurs be- 
coming entangled in their clothes, he was thrown to the 
ground. Still contending, however, with almost super- 



^ Manuscript narrative of William Gardenier, in the possession of the 
author. 

- Idem. 



184 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

human strength, both of his thighs were transfixed to the 
earth by the bayonets of two of his assailants, while the 
third presented a bayonet to his breast, as if to thrust 
him through. Seizing this bayonet with his left hind, 
by a sudden wrench he brought its owner down upon 
himself, where he held him as a shield against the arms 
of the others, until one of his own men, Adam Miller, 
observing the struggle, flew to his rescue. As the as- 
sailants turned upon their new adversary, Gardenier rose 
upon his seat ; and although his hand was severely lace- 
rated by grasping the bayonet which had been drawn 
through it, he seized his spear lying by his side, and 
quick as lightning planted it to the barb in the side of 
the assailant with whom he had been clenched. The 
man fell and expired — proving to be Lieutenant Mc- 
Donald, one of the loyalist officers from Tryon county. 
All this transpired in far less time than is necessarily oc- 
cupied by the relation. While engaged in the struggle, 
some of his own men called out to Gardenier — "for 
God's sake, captain, you are killing your own men ! " 
He replied — " they are not our men — they are the 
enemy — fire away ! " A deadly fire from the Pro- 
vincials ensued, during which about thirty of the Greens 
fell slain, and many Indian warriors. The parties once 
more rushed upon each other with bayonet and spear, 
grappling and fighting with terrible fury ; while the 
shattering of shafts and the clashing of steel mingled 
with every dread sound of war and death, and the savage 
yells, more hideous than all, presented a scene which 



Expedition of Lt. Col. Barry St. Leger. 185 

can be more easily imagined than described/ The un- 
paralleled fortitude and bravery of Captain Gardenier in- 
fused fresh spirits into his men, some 'd^ whom enacted 
wonders of valor likewise. It happened during the 
melee^ in which the contending parties were mingled in 
great confusion that three of Johnson's Greens rushed 
within the circle of the Provincials, and attempted to 
make prisoner of a Captain Dillenback. This officer 
had declared he would never be taken alive, and he was 
not. One of his three assailants seized his gun, but he 
suddenly wrenched it from him, and felled him with the 
butt. He shot the second dead, and thrust the third 
through with his bayonet.^ But in the moment of his 
triumph at an exploit of which even the mighty Hector, 
or either of the sons of Zeruiah might have been proud, 
a ball laid this brave man low in the dust. 

Such a conflict as this could not be continued long 5 
and the Indians, perceiving with what ardor the Provin- 
cials maintained the fight, and finding their own numbers 
sadly diminished, now raised the retreating cry of 
•"' Oonah ! " and fled in every direction, under the shouts 



^ MS. of William Gardenier. It was in reference to these individual 
deeds of prowess, that the eloquent Gouverneur Morris thus spoke in his 
address before the New York Historical Society: — "Let me recall, 
gentlemen, to your recollection, that bloody field in which Herkimer fell. 
There was found the Indian and the white man born on the banks of the 
Mohawk, their left hand clenched in each other's hair, the right grasping 
in a grasp of death, the knife plunged in each other's bosom 5 thus they 
lay frowning." 

- George Walter relates this incident, in his narrative, in the possession 
of the author. Walter was himself a witness of the fact, while lying 
wounded with two balls, by the side of General Herkimer. 



1 86 Campaign of General John Burgoyne, 

and hurrahs of the surviving Provincials and a shower 
of bullets. Finding, moreover, from the firing at the 
fort, that, their presence was necessaVy elsewhere, the 
Greens and Rangers now retreated precipitately, leaving 
the victorious militia of Tryon county masters of the 
field.^ 

Thus ended one of the severest, and, for the numbers 
engaged, one of the most bloody battles of the Revolu- 
tionary war. Though victorious, the loss of the Pro- 
vincials was very heavy ; and Tryon county long had 
reason to mourn that day. Colonel Paris was taken 
prisoner by the enemy, and afterward murdered by the 
Indians. Several other prisoners were also killed by the 
savages, after they had been brought into Colonel But- 
ler's quarters ; and, as it was said, by the colonel's own 
tacit consent, if not permission in terms. But the gene- 
ral character of that officer forbids the imputation.^ 



^ It is an extraordinary fact, that every historian who has written of the 
battle of Oriskany, has recorded it as a defeat of the Provincials, from 
Marshall and Ramsay down, to say nothing of the British chroniclers. 
Such was also the author's impression until he undertook the present in- 
vestigation. Captain Brant himself, in conversation with Samuel Wood- 
ruff, Esq., admitted that they were the victors j and all the written 
statements which the author has been able to procure from the survivors of 
the battle, bear the same testimony. 

= The late Doctor Moses Younglove of Hudson, Columbia county, was 
the surgeon of General Herkimer's brig.ide. He was taken prisoner in this 
battle by a sergeant of Sir John Johnson's regiment. After his release he 
made a deposition setting forth many grievous barbarities committed, both 
by the Indians and tories, upon the prisoners who fell into their hands that 
day. They were cruelly tortured, several of them murdered j and, as the 
doctor had reason to believe, some of them u'ere subsequently taken to an 
island in Lake Ontario, and eaten. This is scarcely to be believed. 



Expedition of Lt. Col. Barry St. Leger. 187 

Major John Frev, of Colonel Klock's regiment, was 
likewise wounded and tak.n ; and to show the more than 
savage fury burning in the bosoms of the men brought 
into conflict on this occasion, the disgraceful fact mav be 
added, that his own brother, who was in the British 
ser\ ice, attempted to take his life after he had arrived 
in Butler's camp. The major saw his brother approach- 
ing in a menacing manner, and called out — "Brother, 
do not kill me! Do you not know me?" Rut the 
infuriated brother rushed forward, and the major was 
only saved bv the interposition of others.^ The whole 
number of the Provincial militia killed was two hundred, 
exclusive of wounded and lost as prisoners. Such, at 
least, was the American report. The British statements 
claimeQ that four hundred of the Americans were killed, 
and two hundred taken prisoners.^ 

Retaining possession of the field, the survivors imme- 
diately set themselves at work in constructing rude litters, 
upon which to bear off the wounded. Between forty 
and fifty of these, among whom was the commanding 
general, were removed in this manner. The brave old 



^ MS. statement of Jacob Timmerman, in the author's possession. 

~ " On the 5th I learned, from discovering parties on the Mohawk river, 
that a body of one thousand militia w^ere on their march to raise the siege. 
On the confirmation of this news, I moved a large body of Indians, with 
some troops, the same night, to lay in ambuscade for them on their march. 
They fell into it. The completest victory was obtained. Above four hun- 
dred lay dead on the field, amongst the number of whom were almost all 
the principal movers of rebellion in that country." — Letter of Colonel St. 
Leger to General Burgoyne^ -^^Z' ^^) ^111' 



1 8 8 Campaign of General John Burgoyne, 

man, notwithstanding the imprudence of the morning — 
imprudence in allowing a premature moveme.'it at the 
dictation of his subordinates — had nobly vindicated his 
character for courage during the day. Though wounded, 
as we have seen, in the onset, he had borne himself 
during the six hours of conflict, under the most trying 
circumstances, with a degree of fortitude and composure 
worthy of all admiration. Nor was his example without 
effect in sustaining his troops amid the perils by which 
they were environed. At one time during the battle, 
while sitting upon his saddle raised upon a little hillock, 
being advised to select a less exposed situation, he re- 
plied — "I will face the enemy." Thus, '' surrounded 
by a ^Qw men, he continued to issue his orders with firm- 
ness. In this situation, and in the heat of the onslaught, 
he deliberately took his tinder-box from his pocket, lit 
his pipe, and smoked with great composure." ^ At the 
moment the soldiers were placing him on the litter, while 
adjusting blankets to the poles, three Indians approached, 
and were instantly shot down by the unerring rifles of 
three of the militia. These were the last shots fired in 
that battle.^ 



^ Campbell. An officer, who was in the general staff at the battle of 
Leipzig, has related to the author a very similar incident in the conduct of 
old Blucher. He was not wounded ; but he sat upon a hillock, issuing his 
orders and smoking his pipe, while the cannon balls were ploughing up the 
earth about him. 

= Narrative of Jacob Sammons, MS. The officers of the Tryon county 
militia killed or wounded in this battle were as follows: — In Colonel 
Frederick Visscher's regiment, Captains John Davis and Samuel Pettingill, 



Expedition of Lt. Col. Barry St. Leger. 189 

The loss of the enemy in this engagement was equally, 
if not more severe, than that of the Americans. Th 
Greens and Rangers of Sir John Johnson and Colonel 
Butler must have suffered badly, although no returns 
were given in the contemporaneous accounts. Major 
Watts was severely wounded and left on the field, as 
was supposed, among the slain. His death was reported 
by Colonel Willett, in his letter to Governor Trumbull, 
and by other authorities. But such was not the fact. 
Reviving from faintness produced by loss of biood, some 
hours after the action, he succeeded in crawling to a 
brook, where, l)y slaking his thirst, he was preserved 
from speedy death, and in the course of two or three 
days was found by some Indian scouts, and brought into 



killed j Major Blauvelt and Lieut. Groat taken prisoners and never heard 
of afterwards ; Captain Jacob Gardenier and Lieut. Samuel Gardenier 
wounded. In Colonel Jacob Klock's regiment, Major John Eisenlord, and 
Major Van Sluyck, and Captain Andrew Dillenback, killed ; Captains 
Christopher Fox and John Breadbeg, wounded \ Brigade Major John Frey, 
wounded and taken prisoner. In Colonel Peter Bellinger's regiment, Major 
Enos Klepsattle, Captain Frederic Helmer, and Lieut. Petrie, were killed. 
Lieutenant Colonel Frederick Bellinger and Henry Walradt were taken 
prisoners. In Colonel Ebenezer Cox's regiment. Colonel Cox and Lieut. 
Col. Hunt were killed ; Captains Henry Diefendorf, and Robert Crouse, 
and Jacob Bowman, killed. Captain Jacob Seeber and Lieut. William 
Seeber mortally wounded. The surgeon, Moses Younglove, was taken 
prisoner. Among the volunteers not belonging to the militia, who were 
killed, were Isaac Paris (then a member of the legislature), Samuel Billing- 
ton, John Dygert, and Jacob Snell, members of the committee of safety. 
There was likewise a Captain Graves who fell, but to which regiment he 
belonged the author has not ascertained. 



1 90 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

St. Leger's camp.^ But the Indians were the most 
roughly handled, they having lost nearly one hundred 
warriors, several of whom were sachems in great favor. 
Frederick Sammons, who had been detached upon a 
distant scout previous to the battle, returning some days 



^ This statement respecting Major Watts was derived from the late Mr. 
John Watts, of New York, his brother. As mentioned in the text, St- 
Leger, in his official report, did not state the number of his own killed and 
wounded. Colonel Butler, however, wrote to Sir Guy Carleton — " Of the 
New Yorkers, Captain- M'Donald was killed. Captain Watts dangerously 
wounded, and one subaltern. Of the Rangers, Captains Wilson and Hare 
killed, and one private wounded. The Indians suffered much, having 
thirty-three killed and twenty-nine wounded j the Senecas lost seventeen, 
among whom were several of their chief warriors, and had sixteen wounded. 
During the whole action the Indians showed the greatest zeal for his 
majesty's cause ; and had they not been a little too precipitate, scarcely a 
rebel of the party would have escaped. Most of the leading rebels are cut 
off in the action, so that any farther attempts from that quarter are not to 
be expected. Captain Watts, of the Royal New Yorkers, whose many 
amiable qualities deserved a better fate, lay wounded in three places upon 
the field two days before he was found." — Parliamentarx Register. 

" Major Watts was wounded through the leg by a ball, and in the neck 
by a thrust from a bayonet which passed through the back of the windpipe* 
and occasioned such an effusion of blood as to induce not only him but his 
captors to suppose (after leading him two or three miles) that he must die 
in consequence. He begged his captors to kill him 5 they refused and left 
him by the side of a stream (Oriskany creek) under the shade of a bridge, 
where he was found two days subsequently, covered with rty-blows, but still 
alive. He was borne by some Indians to Schenectady where he remained 
(after losing his leg) until, sufficiently recovered to bear a voyage to Eng- 
land." — Mrs. Bonney''s Legacy of Hhtorical Gleanings^ vol. I, p. 69. 
"Major Watts," says his grand nephew, Gen. J. Watts De Peyster, in a 
letter to the author, '< died in elegant retirement surrounded by a noble family 
of equally brave sons." The sash taken from him is still in possession of 
the Sander's family. 



Expedition of Lt. Col. Barry St. Leger, 1 9 1 

afterward, crossed the battlefield, where, he says — ^' I 
beheld the most shocking sight I had ever witnessed. 
The Indians and white men were mingled with one 
another, just as they had been left when death had first 
completed his work. -Many bodies had also been torn 
to pieces by wild beasts." ' 

It has been afiirmed that the Indians were persuaded 
to join in this battle only with great difficulty, and not 
until they had been induced to sacrifice their reason to 
their appetites. It was very manifest that during the 
action many of them were intoxicated. The conse- 
quence was, that they suffered more severely than ever 
before.^ According to the narrative of Mary Jemison, 
the Indians (at least the Senecas), were deceived into 
the campaign. " They were sent for to see the British 
whip the rebels. They were told that they were not 
wanted to fight, but merely to sit down, smoke their 
pipes, and look on. The Senecas went to a man ; but, 
contrary to their expectation, instead of smoking and 
looking on, they were obliged to fight for their lives ; 
and in the end of the battle were completely beaten, 
with a great loss of killed and wounded." 3 

The whole Indian force was led by Thayendanegea in 
person — " the great captain of the Six Nations," as he 
was then called — and as the Cayugas had now likewise 
joined the Moh;:.wks in alliance with the arms of Eng- 



1 MS. narrative of Frederick Sammons, in the author's possession. 

2 Journal of General Lincoln. 

3 Life of Mary Jemison. 



192 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

land — the Onondagas adopting a doubtful policy, but 
always, in fact, acting against the Provincials — he must 
have had a large force in the field. Of the Senecas 
alone thirty-six were killed and a great number wounded. 
Captain Brant was accustomed, long years afterward, to 
speak of the sufferings of his " poor Mohawks" in that 
battle. Indeed, the severity with which they were han- 
dled on that occasion, rendered them morose and intract- 
able during the remainder of the campaign ; and the 
unhappy prisoners were the first to minister with their 
blood to their resentment.^ " Our town," says Mary 
Jemison, "exhibited a scene of real sorrow and distress 
when oui warriors returned and recounted their mis- 
fortunes, and stated the real loss they had sustained in the 
engagement. The mourning was excessive, and was ex- 
pressed by the most doleful .yells, shrieks, and bowlings, 
and by inimitable gesticulations." 

It was unfortunate that General Herkimer formed his 



^ In Mr. Samuel Woodruff's memoranda of his conversations with Brant, 
it is noted as the admission of the latter, that " he and his Mohawks 
were compelled to flee in a dispersed condition through the woods, all suffer- 
ing from fatigue and hunger before they arrived at a place of safety. Their 
retreat began at nightfall. They were pursued by a body of Oneidas, who 
fought with General Herkimer. The night was dark and lowery. Ex- 
hausted by the labors of the day, and fearful he might be overtaken by the 
pursuing Oneidas, Brant ascended a branching tree, and planting himself 
in the crotch of it, waited somewhat impatiently for daylight." There is 
evidently somewhat of error in this statement. The field of battle was 
niit more than five miles from St. Lrger's entrenchments, and the battle 
was ended at two o'clock p.m. Judge W. probably confounded this battle 
with another — perhaps that of the Chemung. 



Expedition of Lt. Col. Barry St. Leger. 193 

line of march with so little judgment that, when attacked, 
his men were in no situation to support each other ; and 
more unfortunate still, that he marched at all, so long 
before he could expect to hear the concerted signal for 
the diversion to be made in his favor by the sortie of 
Colonel Willett. The heavy rain storm, moreover, 
which caused a suspension ot the battle, had likewise the 
effect of delaying the sally for nearly an hour. It was 
made, however, as soon as it was practicable, and was 
not only completely successful, but was conducted with 
such ability and spirit by the gallant officer to whom it 
was confided, as to win for him the applause of the foe 
himself.^ In addition to the two hundred men detailed 
for this service, under Colonel Willett's command, as 
before stated, fifty more were added to guard the light 
iron three pounder already mentioned. With these 
troops, and this his only piece of mounted ordnance. 
Colonel Willett lost not a moment, after the cessation 
of the rain, in making the sally. The enemy's sentinels 
being directly in sight of the fort, the most rapid move- 
ments were necessary. The sentinels were driven in, 
and his advanced guard attacked, before he had time to 
form his troops. Sir John Johnson, whose regiment 
was not more than two hundred yards distant from the 
advanced guard, it being very warm, was in his tent, 
divested of his coat at the moment, and had not time to 
put it on before his camp was assailed. Such, moreover, 
were the celerity of Willett's movement and the im- 



London Uni'versal Maga%ine, 1782. 



194 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

petuosity of the attack, that Sir John could not bring his 
troops into order, and their only resource was in flight. 
The Indian encampment was next to that of Sir John, 
and in turn was carried with equal rapidity. The larger 
portion of the Indians, and a detachment from the regi- 
ment of Sir John, were, at the very moment of this un 
expected assault upon their quarters, engaged in the battle 
of Oriskany. Those who were left behind now betook 
themselves — Sir John and his min to the river — and 
the Indians to their natural shelter, the woods — the 
troops of Colonel Willett firino- briskly upon them in 
their flight. The amount of spoil found in the enemy's 
camp was so great, that Willett was obliged to send 
hastily to the fort for wagons to convey it away. Seven 
of these vehicles were three times loaded and discharged 
in the fort, while the brave little Provincial band held 
possession of the encampments. Among the spoils thus 
captured, consisting of camp equipage, clothing, blankets, 
stores, etc., were five British standards, the baggage of 
Sir John Johnson, with all his papers, the baggage of a 
number of other officers, with memoranda, journals, and 
orderly books, containing all the information desirable 
on the part of the besieged.^ While Colonel Willett 



^ " Among other things taken from the enemy, were several bundles of 
papers, and a parcel of letters belonging to our garrison, which they had 
taken from our militia, but not yet opened. Here I found one letter for 
myself: there were likewise papers belonging to Sir John Johnson, and 
several others of the enemy's officers, with letters to and from General 
St. Leger, the commander. These letters have been of some service to 
us." — Colo?iel Willett'' s letter to Go'vernor Tru7nhull. 



Expedition of Lt. Col. Barry St. Leger. 195 

v/as returning to the fort, Colonel St. Leger, who was 
on the opposite side of the river, attempted a movement 
to intercept him. Willett's position, however, enabled 
him to form his troops so as to give the enemy a full 
fire in front, while at the same time he was enfiladed by 
the fire of a small field-piece. The distance was not 
more than sixty yards between them \ and although St. 
Leger was not backward in returning the fire, his aim 
was nevertheless so wild as to be entirely without effect. 
The assailants returned into the fortress in triumph 
without having lost a man — the British flags were 
hoisted on the flag-staff^ under the American — and the 
men, ascending the parapets, gave three as hearty cheers 
as were ever shouted by the same number of voices. 
Among the prisoners brought off^ by the victors, was 
Lieutenant Singleton, of Sir John Johnson's regiment. 
Several Lidians were found dead in their camp, and others 
were killed in crossing the river. The loss of the enemy, 
particularly in stores and baggage, was great ; while the 
affair itself was of still more importance, from the new 
spirit of patriotic enthusiasm with which it inspired the 
little garrison.' For this chivalrous exploit congress 
passed a resolution of thanks, and directed the commis- 
sary general of military stores to procure an elegant 
sword, and present the same to Colonel Willett in the 
name of the United States. 



^ In the account of the sortie, the author has adopted almost the very 
language of the brave colonel himself, in his Narrative. As he led the 
aftair, and was of course the best qualified to describe it, the author could 
do no better than take his own words. In tracing the progress of the 
siege, it will be often necessary to draw from the same indisputable source. 



196 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

General Herkimer did not long survive the battle. 
He was conveyed to his own house' near the Mohawk 
river, a few miles below the Little falls ; where his leg, 
which had been shattered five or six inches below the 
knee, was amputated about ten days after the battle, by 
a young French surgeon in the army of General Arnold, 
and contrary to the advice of the general's own medical 
adviser, the late Dr. Petrie. But the operation was un- 
skilfully performed,^ and it was found impossible by his 
attendants to stanch the blood. Colonel Willett called 
to see the general soon after the operation. He was 
sitting up in his bed, with a pipe in his mouth, smoking, 
and talking in excellent spirits. He died the night fol- 
lowing that visit. His friend. Colonel John RofF, was 
present at the amputation, and affirmed that he bore the 
operation with uncommon fortitude. He was likewise 
with him at the time of his death. The blood continu- 
ing to flow — there being no physician in immediate at- 
tendance — and being himself satisfied that the time of 
his departure was nigh, the veteran directed the Holy 
Bible to be brought to him. He then opened it and 
read, in the presence of those who surrounded his bed, 
with all the composure which it was possible for any 
man to exhibit, the thirty-eighth psalm — applying it to 
his own situation. 3 He soon afterward expired ; and it 



^ Yet standing, 1837. See Benton's Herk. Co., 151. 

^ Col. Roff's statement — MS. in possession of the author. 

3 Statement of Colonel John Roft' (Roof), a god-son of General 
Herkimer, and who was in the action, to the author's father. 



Expedition of Lt. Col. Barry St. Leger. 197 

may well be questioned whether the annals of man fur- 
nish a more striking example of Christian heroism — 
calm, deliberate, and firm in the hour of death — than 
is presented in this remarkable instance. Of the early 
history of General Herkimer but little is known. It 
has already been stated that his family was one of the 
first of the Germans who planted themselves in the 
Mohawk valley. And the massive stone mansion, yet 
standing at German Flats, bespeaks its early opulence. 
He was an uneducated man — -with, if possible, less 



The father of Colonel John Roof (Johannis Roof) held a captain's 
commission in the militia, and, with his son, was in the battle of Oris- 
kany. He was a prominent man in his day 5 and it is not a little singu- 
lar that, up to this time, he has never received the recognition to which 
he is entitled. Johannis Roof came over from Germany in 1758, and 
being a man of enterprise and of means, he was, soon after his arrival in 
this country, given the charge of the carrying-place at Fort Stanwix 5 and 
afterwards — such was his industry and integrity — was made store- 
keeper and inn-keeper at that fort. He traded quite extensively with the 
Indians, furnishing supplies to the garrison, etc. When finally driven 
thence, he sold his buildings to the United States, but before he was paid 
for them, they were burned (by order of the government) to prevent the 
tories from taking possession. Nor, by the way, did he ever obtain 
(owing to his papers being destroyed by the burning of the Patent-office) 
compensation. After "the destruction of his buildings, he settled at Cana- 
joharie — expecting to return to Fort Stanwix (Rome), after peace was es- 
tablished — but the garrison being withdrawn, he remained at Canajo- 
harie, and soon after bought up a large tract of land at that place, laid it 
out in streets and village lots, and erected a store-house, combining there- 
with a hotel ["vide Stone's Brant, vol. 11, p. 41 1, note), for the accommo- 
dation of the travelling public and those desiring to settle in the vicinity. 
For many years Canajoharie was known as Roof's village. — Letter from 
grandson of Johannis Roof {Dr. F. H. Roof of Rhinebeck, N. T.), to the 
author J June \ith, ^'^11- 



198 Campaign of General John Burgoyne, 

skill in letters, even than General Putnam, which is 
saying much. But he was, nevertheless, a man of 
strong and vigorous understanding — destitute of some 
of the essential requisites of generalship, but of the most 
cool and dauntless courage. These traits were all 
strikingly disclosed in the brief and bloody expedition to 
Oriskany. But he must have been well acquainted 
with that most important of all books — the Bible. 
Nor could the most learned biblical scholar, lay or 
clerical, have selected a portion of the sacred Scriptures 
more exactly appropriate to the situation of the dying 
soldier, than that to which he himself spontaneously 
turned. If Socrates died like a philosopher, and Rous- 
seau like an unbelieving sentimentalist. General Herki- 
mer died like a Christian hero. Congress passed a re- 
solution requesting the governor and council of New 
York to erect a monument at the expense of the 
United States, to the memory of this brave man, of the 
value of five hundred dollars. This resolution was 
transmitted to the governor of New York, George 
Clinton, in a letter from which the following passage is 
quoted : " Every mark of distinction shown to the 
memory of such illustrious men as offer up their lives 
for the liberty and happiness of their country, reflects 
real honor on those who pay the tribute ; and by hold- 
ing up to others the prospect of fame and immortality, 
will animate them to tread in the same path." Go- 
vernor Clinton thus wrote to the committee of Tryon 
county on the occasion : " Enclosed you have a letter 
and resolves of congress, for erecting a monument to 



Expedition of Lt. Col. Barry St. Leger. 199 

the memory of your late gallant general. While with 
you I lament the cause, I am impressed with a due 
sense of the great and justly merited honor the conti- 
nent has, in this instance, paid to the memory of that 
brave man." Such were the feelings of respect for the 
services and memory of the deceased entertained by the 
great men of that day. Sixty years have since rolled 
away, and the journal of congress is the only monu- 
ment, and the resolution itself the only inscription, 
which as yet testify the gratitude of the republic to 
General Nicholas Herkimer. 

Though in fact defeated at Oriskany, the enemy 
claimed, as we have seen, a victory. In one sense, it is 
true, the achievement was theirs. They had prevented 
the advance of the Americans to the succor of the fort; 
and on their retreat the Americans were unable to pur- 
sue. Still the field was won, and retained by them.^ 
Availing himself of his questionable success, however, 
and well knowing that days must probably elapse before 
the garrison could become apprised of the whole circum- 
stances of the engagement and its issue, St. Leger lost 
no time in endeavoring, by false representations, to press 
the besieged to a capitulation. On the same night of 
the battle, therefore, at nine o'clock, Colonel Bellinger 
and Major P^'ey, being in St. Leger's camp as prison- 



^ It was alleged, in some of the contemporaneous accounts, that the 
forces engaged with Herkimer were ordered back in consequence of the 
sortie of Willett. That circumstance, however, does not alter the essen- 
tial facts of the case. The victory was the same. 



200 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

ers, were compelled to address a note to Colonel Ganse- 
voort, greatly exaggerating the disasters of the day, and 
strongly urging a surrender. In this letter they spoke 
of the defeat at Oriskany, of the impossibility of re- 
ceiving any farther succor from below — of the formida- 
ble force of St. Leger, together with his train of artil- 
lery — announced the probable fact that Burgoyne and 
his army were then before Albany, and stated that 
longer resistance would only result in " inevitable ruin 
and destruction." The letter was transmitted to Colo- 
nel Gansevoort by St. Leger's adjutant-general, Colo- 
nel Butler, who, in delivering it, made a- verbal de- 
mand of surrender. Colonel Gansevoort replied that 
he would give no answer to a verbal summons, unless 
delivered by Colonel St. Leger himself, but at the 
mouth of his cannon. 

On the following day a white flag approached the 
garrison, with a request that Colonel Butler, and two 
other officers, might be admitted into the fort as bearers 
of a message to the commanding officer. Permission 
being granted, those officers were conducted blind- 
folded into the fort, and received by Colonel Ganse- 
voort in his dining-room. The windows of the room 
were shut, and candles lighted ; a table was also spread, 
upon which were placed some slight refreshments. 
Colonels Willett and Mellen were present at the inter- 
view, together with as many of the American officers 
as could be accommodated in the quarters of their com- 
mander. After the officers were seated and the wine 
had been passed around. Major Ancrom, one of the 



Expedition of Lt, Col. Barry St. Leger. 201 

messengers, addressed Colonel Gansevoort in substance 
as follows : 

" I am directed by Colonel St. Leger, the officer 
commanding the army now investing this garrison, to 
inform the commandant that the colonel has, with 
much difficulty, prevailed upon the Indians to agree, 
that if the garrison, without farther resistance, shall be 
delivered up, with the public stores belonging to it, 
to the investing army, the officers and soldiers shall 
have all their baggage and private property secured 
to them. And in order that the garrison may have a 
sufficient pledge to this effect. Colonel Butler accom- 
panies me to assure them, that not a hair of the head of 
any one of them shall be hurt." (Here turning to 
Colonel Butler, he said, "That, I think, was the ex- 
pression they made use of, was it not ?" — to which the 
colonel answered, '^ Yes.") " I am likewise directed to 
remind the commandant, that the defeat of General 
Herkimer must deprive the garrison of all hopes of re- 
lief, especially as General Burgoyne is now in Albany ; 
so that, sooner. or later, the fort must fall into our hands. 
Colonel St. Leger, from an earnest desire to prevent 
farther bloodshed, hopes these terms will not be re- 
fused j as in this case- it will be out of his power to 
make them again. It was with great difficulty that the 
Indians consented to the present arrangement, as it will 
deprive them of that plunder which they always calcu- 
late upon on similar occasions. Should, then, the 
present terms be rejected, it will be out of the power of 
the colonel to restrain the Indians, who are very nume- 
18 



202 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

rous and exasperated, not only from plundering the 
property, but of destroying the lives, probably, of the 
greater part of the garrison. Indeed, the Indians are 
so exceedingly provoked and mortified by the losses 
they have sustained in the late actions, having had seve- 
ral of their favorite chiefs killed, that they threaten — 
and the colonel, if the present arrangements should not 
be entered into, will not be able to prevent them from 
executing their threats — to march down the country, 
and destroy the settlement, with its inhabitants. In 
this case, not only men, but women and children, will 
experience the sad effects of their vengeance. These 
considerations, it is ardently hoped, will produce a 
proper effect, and induce the commandant, by comply- 
ing with the terms now offered, to save himself from fu- 
ture regret, when it will be too late." 

This singular oration was of course delivered extem- 
poraneously, as also was the following reply by Colonel 
Willett, with the approbation of Colonel Gansevoort : 

" Do I understand you, sir ? I think you say, that 
you come from a British colonel, who is commander of 
the army that invests this fort ; and by your uniform, 
you appear to be an officer in the British service. You 
have made a long speech on the occasion of your visit, 
which, stripped of all its superfluities, amounts to this 
— that you come from a British colonel, to the com- 
mander of this garrison, to tell him, that if he does not 
deliver up the garrison into the hands of your colonel^ 
he will send his Indians to murder our women and 
children. You will please to reflect, sir, that their 
blood will be on your head, not on ours. We are do- 



Expedition of Lt. Col. Barry St. Leger. 203 

iiig our duty ; this garrison is committed to our charge, 
and we will take care of it. After you get out of it, 
you may turn round and look at its outside, but never 
expect to com.c in again, unless you come a prisoner. I 
consider the message you have brought, a degrading one 
for a British officer to send, and by no means reputable 
for a British officer to carry. For my own part, I de- 
clare, before I would consent to deliver this garrison to 
such a murdering. set as your army, by your own ac- 
count, consists of, I would suffer my body to be filled 
with splinters, and set on fire, as you know has at 
times been practiced, by such hordes of women and 
children killers as belong to your army." 

Colonel Willett observes in his narrative, whence 
these facts are drawn, that in the delivery he looked the 
British major full in the face -, and that he spoke with 
emphasis is not doubted. The sentiments contained in 
this reply were received with universal applause by the 
Provincial officers, who, far from being intimidated by 
the threats of the messengers, were at once impressed 
with the idea that such pressing efforts to induce a 
capitulation could only be the effect of doubt, on the 
part of the enemy himself, of his ability either to sus- 
tain the siege or carry the works by assault. Before 
the interview was closed. Major Ancrom requested that 
an English surgeon, who was with him, might be per- 
mitted to visit the British wounded in the garrison, 
which request was granted. Major Ancrom also pro- 
posed an armistice for three days, which was likewise 
agreed to by Colonel Gansevoort — the more readily, 
probably, because of his scanty supply of ammunition. 



204 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

On the 9th of August, Colonel Gansevoort having 
refused to recognize any verbal messages from the 
British commander, Colonel St. Leger transmitted the 
substance of Major Ancrom's speech in the form of a 
letter — protesting that no indignity was intended by 
the delivery of such a message — a message that had 
been insisted upon categorically by the Indians — and 
formally renewing the summons of a surrender — add- 
ing, that the Indians were becoming exceedingly im- 
patient, and if the proposition should be rejected, the 
refusal would be attended with very fatal consequences, 
not only to the garrison, but to the whole country of 
the Mohawk river. 

The reply of Colonel Gansevoort was written with 
soldierly brevity, in the following words: 

CoL. Gansevoort to Col. St. Leger. 

" Fort Schuyler^ Jug c^th^ ^111- 
" Sir : " Your letter of this day's date I have received, 
in answer to which I say, that it is my determined resolu- 
tion, with the forces under my command, to defend this 
fort to the last extremity, in behalf of the United 
American States, who have placed me here to defend it 
against all their enemies. 

" I have the honor to be, sir, 
" Your most ob't humble serv't, 

'' Peter Gansevoort, 
" CoL commanding Fort Schuyler. 
" Gen. Barry St. Leger." ^ 



^ Copied, by the author, from the original draft, found among the 
Gansevoort papers. 



Expedition of Lt. Col. Barry St. Leger. 205 

Failing in these attempts to induce a surrender, the 
besiegers, four days afterward, had recourse to another 
expedient. It was the issuing of an appeal to the in- 
habitants of Tryon county, signed by Sir John John- 
son, Colonel Claus, and Colonel John Butler, similar 
in its tenor to the verbal and written messages of St. 
Leger to Colonel Gansevoort. The appeal commenced 
with strong protestations of a desire for the restoration 
of peace, with a promise of pardon, and oblivion for the 
past, notwithstanding the many and great injuries the 
signers had received, upon a proper submission by the 
people. They, too, were threatened with the ravages 
of a victorious army, and the resentment of the Indians 
for the losses they had sustained at Oriskany, in the 
event of rejecting this appeal. In regard to the garri- 
son of Fort Schuyler, its longer resistance was pro- 
nounced '' mulish obstinacy," and the people of the 
Mohawk valley were urged to send up a deputation of 
their principal men, to oblige the garrison to do at once 
what they must be forced to do soon — surrender. If 
they did not surrender, the threat was again repeated 
that every soul would be put to death by the Indians.^ 
Messengers were despatched with this document into 
Tryon county, but to no good purpose ; while, as will 
soon appear, some of those messengers were involved in 
serious difficulty by their errand. 

But if Colonel Willet's success in the brilliant exe- 



I I have found this document only in The Remembrancer for 1777, 
page 451. 



2o6 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

cution of the sortie on the 6th, entitled him, as it un- 
questionably did, to the commendations he received, a 
still more perilous enterprise, undertaken by him a few 
days afterward, was thought, alike by friends and foes, 
to entitle him to still greater applause. The artillery 
of the besiegers was not sufficiently heavy to make any 
impression upon the works, and there was every proba- 
bility that the garrison might hold out until succors 
should be obtained, could their situation be made known. 
Col. Willett was not only well acquainted, but exceed- 
ingly popular, in Tryon county ; and it was supposed 
that, should he show himself personally among the 
militia of that district, notwithstanding the extent of 
their suffering in the late expedition, he might yet rally 
a force sufficient to raise the siege. The bold project 
was therefore conceived by him of passing by night, in 
company with another officer, through the enemy's 
works, and, regardless of the danger from the prowling 
savages, making his way through some forty or fifty 
miles of sunken morasses and pathless woods, in order 
to raise the county and bring relief.^ Selecting Major 
Stockwell for his companion. Colonel Willett undertook 
the expedition on the loth, and left the fort at ten 
o'clock that night, each armed with nothing but a spear, 
and provided only with a small supply of crackers and 
cheese, a small canteen of spirits, and in all other re- 
spects unincumbered, even by a blanket. Having es- 
caped from the sally-port, they crept upon their hands 
and knees along the edge of a morass to the river. 



* British Uni'versal Maga-zine. 



Expedition of Lt. Col. Barry St. Leger. 207 

which they crossed by crawHng over upon a log, and 
succeeded in getting off" unperceived by the sentinels of 
the enemy, although passing very near to them. Their 
first advance was into a deep-tangled forest in which, 
enveloped in thick darkness, they lost their direction, 
and found it impossible to proceed. While in this state 
of uncertainty, the barking of a dog added little to their 
comfort, inasmuch as it apprised them that they were 
not far from a new Indian encampment, formed subse- 
quent to the sortie a few days before. They were, 
therefore, compelled to stand perfectly still for several 
hours, and until the morning star appeared to guide 
their way. Striking first in a northern direction for 
several miles, and then eastwardly, they traced a zig- 
zag course, occasionally adopting the Indian method of 
concealing their trail by walking in the channels of 
streams, and by stepping on stones along the river's 
edge. In this way they travelled the whole of the en- 
suing day without making a single halt. On the ap- 
proach of night they dared not to strike a light, but lay 
down to sleep, interlocked in each other's arms. Pur- 
suing their journey on the 12th, their little stock of 
provisions being exhausted, they' fed upon raspberries 
and blackberries, of which they found an abundance in an 
opening occasioned by a windfall. Thus refreshed, 
they pushed forward with renewed vigor and at an ac- 
celerated pace, and arrived at Fort Dayton at three 
o'clock in the afternoon.^ 



^ " So successful was Col. Willett in all his movements, that the 
Indians, believing him to be possessed of supernatural power, gave to him 
the name of the Devil." — Campbell. 



2o8 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

The colonel and his friend received a hearty welcome 
from Colonel Weston, whose regiment was then in 
charge at Fort Dayton, and from whom he obtained the 
agreeable intelligence that, on learning the news of 
General Herkimer's disaster. General Schuyler had 
ordered Generals Arnold and Larned, with the Massa- 
chusetts brigade, to march to the relief of Colonel 
Gansevoort. Colonel Willett thereupon took horse 
immediately for Albany to meet General Arnold, who 
was to command the expedition \ and in four days after- 
ward accompanied Arnold back to Fort Dayton, where 
the troops were assembling. The first New York 
regiment had been added to the brigade of General 
Larned, who was yet in the rear, bringing up the heavy 
baggage and stores. 

During Willett's brief absence to Albany an inci- 
dent occurred in the neighborhood of Fort Dayton, 
showing that if he had been active in his attempts to 
bring succors to the fort, the enemy, on the other 
hand, had not been idle. About two miles above Fort 
Dayton resided a Mr. Shoemaker, a disaffected gentle- 
man, who had been in his majesty's commission of the 
peace. Having heard of a clandestine meeting of tories 
at the house of that gentleman. Colonel Weston de- 
spatched a detachment of troops thither, which came 
upon the assemblage by surprise, and took them all 
prisoners. Among them was Lieutenant Walter N. 
Butler, from St. Leger's army, who, with fourteen 
white soldiers and the same number of Indians,'' had 



The Remembrancer for 1777, page 395. 



Expedition of Lt. Col. Barry St. Leger, 209 

visited the German Flats secretly, with the appeal of Sir 
John Johnson, Claus, and the elder Butler, referred to 
in a preceding page, for the purpose of persuading the 
timid and disaffected inhabitants to abandon the Pro- 
vincial cause, and enrol themselves with the king's 
army before Fort Schuyler. Butler was in the midst of 
his harangue to the meeting at the moment of the un- 
welcome surprise. General Arnold ordered a court- 
martial, and caused him to be tried as a spy.^ Of this 
tribunal Colonel Willett officiated as judge advocate. 
The lieutenant was convicted, and received sentence of 
death ; but at the intercession of a number of officers, 
who had known him while a student at law in Albany, 
his life was spared by a reprieve. He was, however, re- 
moved to Albany and closely imprisoned until the 
spring of the following year. When General the 
Marquis de Lafayette assumed the command of the 
Northern department, the friends of the Butler family, in 
consequence, as it was alleged, of his ill-health, inter- 
ceded for a mitigated form of imprisonment. He was 
then removed to a private house and kept under guard, 
but shortly afterward effected his escape — owing, it 
was reported, to treachery — and was subsequently dis- 
tinguished as one of the severest scourges of the beauti- 
ful valley which had given him birth. 

The address of Johnson, Claus, and Butler, having 
been thus introduced among the people of the county. 



^ The Remembrancer states that Butler came "on a truce to the inhabit- 
ants of the county." But if he did bear a flag, it could be no protection 
for such a mission — as it was not. 



2IO Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

Arnold issued a proclamation from Fort Dayton for the 
purpose of counteracting its influence. It was couched 
in severe language in regard to St. Leger and his hete- 
rogeneous army — denounced those of the people who 
might be seduced by his arts to enrol themselves under 
the banner of the king — but promised pardon to all, 
whether Americans, savages, Germans, or Britons, 
who might return to duty to the states. 

Meantime Colonel St. Leger was pushing his opera- 
tions before the fort with considerable vigor. Every 
effort to intimidate the garrison having failed, and the 
commander exhibiting an unsubmitting spirit, St. Leger 
"commenced approaching by sap, and had formed two 
parallels, the second of which brought him near the 
edge of the glacis ; but the fire of musketry from the 
covert way rendered his farther progress very difficult."^ 
The fire of his ordnanpe producing no effect, his only 
means of annoying the garrison was by throwing shells ; 
but these proved of so Iktie consequence as to afford a 
discouraging prospect of success. Having advanced, 
however, within one hundred and fifty yards, it is not to 
be denied that some uneasiness began to be manifested 
within the garrison. Ignorant of the fate of Colonel 
Willett and Major Stockwell, and entirely cut off from 
^11 communication from without, their provisions daily 
exhausting, and having no certain prospect of relief, 
some of the officers commenced speaking in whispers of 
the expediency of saving the garrison from a reenact- 



^ Wilktt's Narratl've. 



Expedition of Lt. CoL Barry St. Leger. i\\ 

ment of the Fort William Henry tragedy, by acceding 
to St. Leger's proffered terms of capitulation. Not so 
the commander. After weighing well the circumstances 
of the case, he came to the deliberate resolve, in the 
event of obtaining no succor from without, when his 
provisions were about exhausted, to make a sally at 
night, and cut his way through the encampment of the 
besiegers, or perish in the attempt.' 

Fortunately, the necessity of executing the bold de- 
termination did not arrive. The siege had continued 
until the 22d of August, when suddenly, without any 
cause within the knowledge of the garrison, the be- 
siegers broke up their encampment, and retired in such 
haste and confusion as to leave their tents, together 
with a great part of their artillery, camp equipage, and 
baggage behind. What was the motive for this unex- 
pected flight of a vaunting and all but victorious foe, 
was a problem they were unable to solve within the 
garrison, although their joy was not, on that account, 
the less at their deliverance. It subsequently appeared 
that the panic which produced this welcome and unex- 
pected change in the situation of the garrison, was 
caused by a ruse-de-guerre^ practiced upon the forces of 
St. Leger by General Arnold, who had been waiting at 
Fort Dayton several days for the arrival of reinforce- 
ments and supplies.^ But having heard that St. Leger 



^ " I wrote you, the 21st instant, from German Flats, that from the best 
intelligence I could procure of the enemy's strength, it was much superior 
to our's ; at the same time I inclosed you a copy of the resolutions of a 
council of war, and requested you to send me a reinforcement of one thou- 



212 Campaign of General John Burgoyne, 

had made his approaches to within a short distance of 
the fort, Arnold, on the 22d of August, determined at 
all events to push forward and hazard a battle, rather 
than see the garrison fall a sacrifice.^ With this view, 
on the morning of the 23d, he resumed his march for 
Fort Schuyler, and had proceeded ten miles of the. dis- 
tance from Fort Dayton when he was met by an ex- 
press from Colonel Gansevoort, with the gratifying in- 
telligence that the siege had been raised. The cause of 
this sudden movement was yet as great a mystery to the 
colonel and his garrison, as was the flight of the host of 
Ben-hadad from before Samaria to the king of Israel, 
when the Syrian monarch heard the supernatural sound 
of chariots, and the noise of horses, in the days of 
Elisha the prophet. Arnold was, of course, less in the 
dark. The circumstances were these : 

Among the party of tories and Indians captured at 
Shoemaker's under Lieutenant Butler, was a singular 
being named Hon-Yost Schuyler. His place of resi- 
dence was near the Little falls, where his mother and 
a brother named Nicholas, were then residing. Hon- 
Yost Schuyler was one of the coarsest and most ignorant 



sand light troops." — Letter of Arnold to Gen. GateSy Aug. 23, 1777. — " I 
have been retarded by the badness of the roads, waiting for some baggage, 
and ammunition, and for the militia, who did not turn out with that 
Spirit which I expected. They are now joining me in great numbers A 
few days will relieve you." — M8. letter from Arnold to Col. Gansevoorty 
Aug. 22, 1777. 

^ Letters above cited from Arnold to Gen. Gates. — Vide Remembrancer ^ 
i-]-]-], page 444. 



Expedition of Lt, Col. Barry St. Leger. 213 

men in the valley, appearing scarce half removed from 
idiocy ; and yet there was no small share of shrewdness 
in his character. Living upon the extreme border of 
civilization, his associations had -been more with the 
Indians than the whites ; and tradition avers that they 
regarded him with that mysterious reverence and awe 
with which they are inspired by fools and lunatics. 
Thus situated and thus constituted, Hon-Yost had par- 
tially attached himself to the royalist cause, though pro- 
bably, hke the cow-boys of West Chester, he really 
cared little which party he served or plundered ; and had 
he been the captor of the unfortunate Andre, would 
have balanced probabilities as to the best way of turning 
the prize to account. Be these things, however, as they 
may, Hon-Yost was captured, with Walter Butler, and, 
like him, was tried for his life, adjudged guilty, and con- 
demned to death. His mother and brother, hearing of 
his situation, hastened to Fort Dayton, and implored 
General Arnold to spare his life. The old woman 
strongly resembled the gipsey in her character, and the 
eloquence and pathos with which she pleaded for the life 
of her son, were long remembered in the unwritten 
history of the Mohawk valley. Arnold was for a time 
inexorable, and the woman became almost frantic with 
grief and passion on account of her wayward son. 
Nicholas, likewise, exerted himself to the utmost in be- 
half of his brother. At length General Arnold proposed 
terms upon which his life should be spared. The con- 
ditions were, that Hon-Yost should hasten to Fort 
Schuyler, and so alarm the camp of St. Leger as to in- 

19 



214 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

duce him to raise the seige and fly. The convict-traitor 
gladly accepted the proposition, and his mother offered 
herself as a hostage for the faithful performance of his 
commission. Arnold", however, declined receiving the 
vv^oman as a hostage, preferring and insisting that 
Nicholas should be retained for that purpose. To this 
the latter readily assented, declaring that he was per- 
fectly wiUing to pledge his life that Hon-Yost would 
fulfil his engagements to the utmost. Nicholas was, 
therefore, placed in confinement, while Hon-Yost de- 
parted for the campjof Colonel St. Leger — having made 
an arrangement with one of the Oneida Indians, friendly 
to the Americans, to aid him in the enterprise. Before 
his departure several shots were fired through Schuyler's 
clothes, that he might appear to have had a narrow 
escape ; and the Oneida Indian, by taking a circuitous 
route to fFort Schuyler, was to fall into the enemy's 
camp from another direction, and aid Hon-Yost in 
creating the panic desired. The emissary first presented 
himself among the Indians, who were in a very suitable 
state of mind to be wrought upon by exactly such^'a per- 
sonage. They had been moody and dissatisfied ever 
since the battle of Oriskany — neither the success nor 
the plunder promised them had been won, and they had 
previously received some vague and indefinite intelligence 
respecting the approach of Arnold. They had likewise 
just been holding a pow-wow, or were actually convened 
in one, for the purpose of consulting the Manito touch- 
ing the dubious enterprise in which they were engaged, 
when Hon-Yost arrived. Knowing their character well, 



Expedition of Lt. Col, Barry St. Leger. 2 1 5 

he communicated his intelligence to them in the most 
mysterious and imposing manner. Pointing to his rid- 
dled garments, he proved to them how narrow had been 
his escape from the approaching army of the rebels. 
When asked the number of the troops that Arnold was 
leading against them, he shook his head mysteriously, 
and pointed upward to the leaves of the trees. The 
reports spread rapidly through the camps, and reaching 
the ears of the commander, Hon-Yost^ was sent for to 
the tent of St. Leger himself. Here he was interrogated, 
and gave information that General Arnold, with two 
thousand men, was so near that he would be upon them 
within twenty-four hours. He gave St. Leger a pitiable 
narrative of his captivity, trial, and condemnation to the 
gallows. It was while on his way to execution, as he 
alleged, that, finding himself not very closely guarded, 
he took an opportunity to effect his escape — thinking, 
at the worst, that he could only die, and it would be as 
well to be shot as hanged. A shower of bullets had in- 
deed been let fly at him, but fortunately had only 
wounded his clothes, as the general might see.^ Mean- 
time the Oneida messenger arrived with a belt, and con- 
firmed to the Indians all that Schuyler had said ; adding, 
that the Americans had no desire to injure the Indians, 
and were intent only upon attacking the British troops 
and rangers. While making his way to the camp of the 
besiegers, the ingenious Oneida had fallen in with some 



Johannes ydistus^ Dutch for John Joost, pronounced Hon-Tost. 
■ Remembrancer^ for 1 777 — p. 447-448. 



2i6 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

two or three straggling Indians of his acquaintance, to 
whom he communicated his business, and whose assist- 
ance in furthering the design he engaged. These saga- 
cious fellows dropped into the Indian camp at different 
points, and threw out alarming suggestions — shaking 
their heads mysteriously, and insinuating that a bird had 
brought them intelligence of great moment.^ They 
spoke of warriors in great numbers advancing rapidly 
upon them, and used every indirect method of infusing 
a panic into the minds of the listeners who gathered 
around them. The Indians presently began to give 
signs of decamping, and St. Leger assayed in vain to re- 
assure them. He convened a council of their chiefs, 
hoping that by the influence of Sir John Johnson, and 
Colonels Claus and Butler, he should be able to retain 
them. Other reports, of a yet more terrifying tendency, 
getting afloat, not only among the Indians but in the 
other camp, the former declared that " the pow-wow 
said they must go ; " and a portion of them took their 
departure before the council broke up. The result was 
a general and precipitate flight. It has been stated, that 
in the commencement of the retreat the Indians made 
themselves merry at the expense of their white allies, by 
raising a shout that the Americans were upon them, and 
then laughing at the groundless terror thus created.^ 
According to the account derived by Gordon from the 
Rev. Mr. Kirkland, an altercation took place between 
Colonel St. Leger and Sir John Johnson, the former re- 



* Travels of President Dwight, vol. in, p. 195-197. 



Expedition of Lt. Col. Barry St. Legef. 2 1 7 

proaching the latter with the detection of the Indians, 
while the baronet charged his commander with but an 
indifferent prosecution of the siege. It was in the gray 
of twilight, when a couple of sachems, standing upon a 
little eminence not far in the rear, and overhearing the 
interchange of sharp words between them, put an end 
to the unpleasant colloquy by raising the shout — 
'*• they are coming ! — they are coming ! " Both St. Leger 
and Sir John recommenced their retreat with all possible 
expedition upon hearing such an alarm. Their troops 
were equally nimble of foot on the occasion, throwing 
away their knapsacks and arms, and disencumbering 
themselves of every hindrance to the quick-step ; while 
the Indians, enjoying the panic and confusion, repeated 
the joke by the way until they arrived at the Oneida 
lake. It is believed, however, that it was not the 
Americans alone of whom St. Leger began to stand in 
fear, being quite as apprehensive of danger from his own 
dusky allies as he was of the approaching army of Arnold. 
There is British authority for stating that the Indians 
actually plundered several of the boats belonging to their 
own army \ robbing the officers of whatsoever they 
liked. Within a few miles of the camp, they first 
stripped ofF the arms, and afterward murdered, with their 
own bayonets, all those British, German, and American 
soldiers who were separated from the main body.* 



^ British Uni'versal Magazine. Indeed, St. Leger's report of this dis- 
astrous retreat, addressed to General Burgoyne from Oswego, on the 27th 
of August, corresponds very closely with the American accounts whence 
the present narrative has been drawn. He states that the Indians fell 



2 1 8 Campaign of General John Burgoyne, 

Thus were the threats of savage vengeance sent by 
Colonel St. Leger to the garrison, in some degree 
wreaked upon his own army. Hon- Yost Schuyler ac- 
companied the flying host to the estuary of Wood 
creek, where he deserted, threading his way back to Fort 
Schuyler the same evening — imparting to Colonel 
Gansevoort his first information of the advance of Arnold.' 
From Fort Schuyler, Hon-Yost proceeded back to the 
German Flats. » On presenting himself at Fort Dayton, 
his brother was discharged, to the inexpressible joy of 
his mother and their relatives. But he proved a tory in 
grain, and embraced the first opportunity subsequently 
presented, which was in October, of running away to 
the enemy, with several of his neighbors, and attaching 
himself to the forces of Sir John Johnson.^ 

Immediately on the receipt of Colonel Gansevoort's 
despatch announcing St. Leger's retreat. General Arnold 
pushed forward a detachment of nine hundred men, with 
directions, if possible, to overtake the fugitives, and ren- 
der their flight still more disastrous. On the day fol- 
lowing, Arnold himself arrived at the fort, where he was 

treacherously upon their friends, and became more formidable than the 
enemy they had to expect. He leaves no room, however, to suppose that 
there was any difficulty between Sir John Johnson and himself — calling 
him " his gallant coadjutor," etc., and commending his exertions to in- 
duce the Indians again to meet the enemy, as also those of Colonels Claus 
and Butler. 

^ Letter of Colonel Gansevoort to General Arnold. 

2 After the close of the contest, Hon-Yost returned to the Mohawk 
valley, and resided there until his death — which event occurred about 
twenty years since. 



Expedition of Lt. Col. Barry St. Leger. 2 1 9 

received with a salute of artillery and the cheers of the 
brave garrison. He, of course, found that Gansevoort 
had anticipated his design of harassing the rear of the 
flying enemy, and had brought in several prisoners, to- 
gether with large quantities of spoil. ^ So great was their 
panic, and such the precipitancy of their flight, that they 
left their tents standing, their provisions, artillery, am- 
munition, their entire camp equipage, and large quantities 
of other articles enhancing the value of the booty .^ 

Thus ended the siege of Fort Schuyler, or Fort Stan- 
wix, as the public have always preferred calling it. St. 
Leger hastened with his scattered forces back to Oswego, 
and thence to Montreal. From that post he proceeded 
to Lake Champlain, passing up the same to Ticonderoga, 
for the purpose of joining the army of Burgoyne. Find- 
ing that the enemy had evacuated the country between 
the fort and Lake Ontario, and that the post could be 
in no immediate danger from that direction, Colonel 
Gansevoort took the opportunity of visiting his frierrds 
at Albany, and at the seat of the state government, then 
just organized at Kingston. His reception was most 
cordial, as appears not only from contemporaneous ac- 
counts, but -from the following modest address to his 
fellow-soldiers of the garrison, on his return to resume 
his command : 

"I should be wanting in justice to you, if I did not 



^ Letter of Arnold to General Gates, Aug. 24, 1777. 

2 Among other articles was the escritoire of St. Leger himself, containing 
his private papers, several of which have been used by the author in writing 
this and the preceding chapters. 



220 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

give some testimony of your good conduct during the 
time you have been in this garrison, and especially 
while we were besieged by the enemy. Believe me, 
that I am impressed with a proper sense of the behavior 
by which you have done essential service to your country, 
and acquired immortal honor to yourselves. Nothing 
can equal the pleasure I have experienced since my ab- 
sence, in hearing and receiving the public approbation 
of our country for our services, which is, and must be, 
to every soldier, a full and ample compensation for the 
same. Permit me to congratulate you upon the success 
of the American arms, both to the southward and north- 
ward. Every day terminates with victory to America ; 
and I make not the least doubt, but in this campaign we 
shall effectually establish the Independence of the United 
States, and thereby secure to ourselves the rights and 
liberties for which we have so nobly stood forth." ^ 

As an evidence of the value placed upon the services of 
the colonel in the defence of Fort Schuyler, he was shortly 
afterward promoted in the state line to the rank of briga- 
dier general, while his gallantry was farther rewarded by 
a colonel's commission from congress in the army of the 
United States.^ On leaving his regiment, its officers 



^ Copied by the author from the original manuscript. It was filed away 
among the colonel's papers, with the following inscription : — "A laconic 
address to my fellow officers and soldiers after our success at Fort Stanwix." 

'^ There seems to have been something peculiar and special in this com- 
mission. In a letter which Colonel Gansevoort wrote jointly to William 
Duer and Gouverneur Morris, a copy of which is preserved among his papers, 
he observes : " Congress have done me the honor of appointing me 




u 



Expedition of Lt. Col. Barry St. Leger. ii\ 

presented him with an affectionate letter of congratula- 
tion on his promotion, mingled with an expression of 
their regret at the loss to the regiment of " so worthy a 
patron." To which the colonel returned an appropriate 
letter of thanks.^ The people of Tryon county were of 



colonel commander of Fort Schuyler. I should esteem it as a favor if you 
would inform me whether I am to receive any pay for that commission, 
other than as colonel of the third regiment of New Yorkers j and if not, 
I should be glad if you would endeavor to get something allowed me, as 
my present pay will not reimburse my table liquors, which you may well 
conceive to be something considerable as commanding officer. I am not 
solicitous to make money by my commission 5 but I could wish not to sink 
by it, as I am obliged to do now. The commission which congress has 
sent me as commandant of Fort Schuyler, subjects me as much to the com- 
mand of my superior officers, as any former one. If that was the intention 
of congress, the appointment is nugatory. If not, I wish congress to 
alter the commission." 

^ The following is a copy of the address referred to in the text . 
" Honored Sir : From a just sense of that conduct which has hitherto been 
so conspicuously shown to advance the third New York regiment to honor 
and public notice, we congratulate you that those characteristics which so 
eminently point out the gentleman and soldier, have by your personal 
bravery been deservedly noticed by our bleeding country. Although we 
rejoice at your promotion, yet we cannot but regret the loss of so worthy a 
patron. That the prosperity which has crowned your conduct with victory 
may still be continued, is the sincere wish and prayer of, honored sir, your 
most obedient and very humble servants." It was signed by twenty-six 
officers. Colonel Gansevoort replied as follows : — " Gentlemen : Your 
polite address on my promotion merits my sincere thanks. Gratitude, I 
hope, shall never be wanting in me to the third N. Y. regiment, who have, 
by their firmness and discipline, been the chief authors of my promotion. 
Therefore, gentlemen, please accept my warmest wishes for the prosperity 
of the corps, that all their virtuous endeavors in the defence of their bleed- 
ing country may be crowned with honor and success, which will always be 
the earnest prayer of, gentlemen, your most obliged, humble servant." 



222 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

course rejoiced, that the blow, directed, as the enemy 
supposed, with unerring certainty against them, had been 
averted. They had suffered severely in the campaign j 
but there were enough of her sons yet left to swell the 
ranks of General Gates not a little ; and they pressed 
ardently to join his standard, although circumstances did 
not then require them long to remain in the field. 

In October following, when Sir Henry Clinton was 
ascending the Hudson for the purpose either of succoring, 
or of cooperating with, Burgoyne, Colonel Gansevoort 
was ordered to Albany by General Gates, to take com- 
mand of the large force then concentrating at that place. 
Happily, there was no occasion to test his prowess in his 
new and temporary command. 



APPENDIX 



APPENDIX 



No. I. 

Anecdotes of Burgoyne's Campaign — Personal 
Reminiscences, etc., by the late Chas. Neilson. 

KJN the near approach of Burgoyne with so powerful, 
and as yet successful an army, with his horde of unre- 
strained savages, who were continually in advance and 
on his flanks, prowling about the country, plundering, 
murdering, and scalping all who refused loyalty to the 
British king ; the inhabitants on both sides of the river, 
in the wildest consternation and alarm, fled in every di- 
rection. The horrors of war, however mitigated by 
the laws and usages of civilization, are at all times suffi- 
ciently terrific ; but when to these the fierce cruelties 
of a cloud of savages are superadded, those only who are 
familiar with an American border warfare, can form an 
adequate opinion of its atrocities. In one place a long 
cavalcade of ox carts occasionally intermixed with 
wagons, filled with all kinds of furniture hurriedly 
thrown in, and not often selected by the owners with 
reference to their use or value, on occasions of such 
alarm, were stretched for some distance along the road ; 
while in another might be seen a number on horseback, 
and here and there two mounted at once on a steed 
20 



226 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

panting under the weight of a double load, closely fol- 
lowed by a crowd of pedestrians, and some perhaps 
weeping mothers, with a child or two screaming in their 
arms or on their backs, trudging along with fearful and 
hurried step. These found great difficulty in keeping 
up with the rapid flight of their mounted friends. Here 
and there would be seen some humane person assist- 
ing the more unfortunate, by relieving them of their 
burdens with which they were encumbered ; but gene- 
rally a principle of selfishness prevented much inter- 
change of friendly offices — every one for himself was 
the common cry. 

To those who now sit quietly under their own shady 
bowers, or by the fireside long endeared by tranquility 
and happiness, it is left to imagine, with what feelings 
they hastened to abandon their homes and their all, as it 
were, and fly for safety, they knew not whither. The 
men of this generation can never know what were the 
sorrows of those fathers that saw their children exposed 
to dangers and death, and what the agonies of those 
kind mothers, of whom my own respected mother was 
one, who pressed their offspring to their bosom in the 
constant apprehension of seeing them torn from their em- 
braces, to become the victims of savage cruelty, and it 
is impossible with sufficient force to describe the appall- 
ing distress that many families experienced at that 

moment of peril and alarm. 

* * * * 

Often, when a boy, have I sat long and silent, in the 
lamily group, by the side of my much respected, now 



/Appendix. 227 

sainted mother, listening to her tales of alarm, suftering 
and distress, that pervaded this part of the country, in 
those troublous times ; and the dangers to which 
she herself had frequently been exposed. And often 
while reciting the tragic fate of her friend and acquaint- 
ance, Miss Jane M'Crea, and other equally savage 
cruelties, have I seen the big tear roll from her glisten- 
ing eye and trickle down her cheek, glowing with 
the emotions of her heart. And even to this day, when 
I reflect on those scenes of savage cruelty, and with 
what emotion they were then recited, a sympathetic 
tear will insensibly steal from my eye, and I am in- 
voluntarily led to exclaim O ! my mother ! my much 
loved mother ! could I have been present to have wit- 
nessed those scenes of danger and alarm to which thou 
hast been exposed, and from which thou barely escaped 
with thy life, with one arm would 1 have encircled that 
brow, around which the Indian's tomahawk thrice was 
brandished, preparatory to the fatal stroke ; and with the 
other would I have dashed to the earth, that ferocious 
savage, w^hose scalping- knife, reeking with the blood of 
thy friends, was already drawn to execute on thee its 
threatened deed 1 But a mightier arm was interposed 
for thy protection. He in whom thou trusted was 
there — for at the critical moment, when there seemed 
no possible escape, a file of men approached, as if spe- 
cially and providentially directed — the sharp crack of 
rifles was heard in the distance — the fatal balls were 
sped — two cruel savages fell dead at thy feet, and thou 
alone, the joy of thy friends, wast saved, to relate the 
sad story of thy three murdered companions ! 



228 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

It may be supposed, from my relation of so many of 
the numerous scenes, and some of them heart-rending, 
through which my own friends have passed, that they 
were the only persons who suffered in those trying times. 
My intention is not to be so understood, nor do I suppose 
that the many trials through which they passed, were 
greater than those of many others ; yet the relation of 
them, by being often repeated, have become more 
familiar, and consequently better enables me to give a 
correct account of them. 

The subsequent tragic scene, though I do not now re- 
collect all the particulars, I will recount in substance, as 
follows : 

My step-grandfather, had been very active among the 
Indians and tories, and understood their manner of war- 
fare so well that he was often selected to head volunteer 
parties, who went in pursuit of them, in their marauding 
expeditions, and was generally very successful ; for which 
they owed him a grudge, and tried many ways to decoy 
and take him ; but he had always eluded them. 

It happened on a time when it was supposed there 
were no Indians in the vicinity, and the inhabitants all 
felt secure, that my father was gone from home on busi- 
ness with the committee of safety, leaving my grand- 
father, grandmother, and mother, at home alone — they 
all occupying the same house at the time. Soon after 
dark, a little dog, which they had, and which was then 
in the house, for some moments seemed to express con- 
siderable uneasiness, and at last ran to the door, and with 
a kind of howl, or unusual expression, immediately 



Appendix, iig 

turned and looked up, with much seeming concern, to 
my grandfather, whose keen perception in a moment led 
him to exclaim, '' Indians !" He immediately caught his 
rifle, which lay horizontally on hooks attached to a beam 
overhead, and opening the door stepped out. But he 
had no sooner passed the threshold, than the sharp crack 
of three rifles were heard in rapid succession, and he 
staggered back, exclaiming, " run for your lives !" and 
fell into the room. My mother and grandmother, al- 
ready horror-stricken, gave a sudden scream and imme- 
diately sprang out of an opposite window, and ran to a 
neighboring house, about eighty rods distant, to give the 
alarm. It so happened that two distant neighbors, who 
had been out that day on a hunting excursion, called at 
the same house some ten or fifteen minutes before, and 
hearing the firing, were, in company with the occupant, 
listening to ascertain its direction, if repeated. At the 
same time a horse was heard at a distance rapidly ap- 
proaching, which soon proved to be my father's on which, 
having heard the firing, and suspecting mischief, he was 
riding at the top of his speed, and arrived at the moment 
the alarm was given. Springing from his horse, and 
being furnished with a rifle, the four men immediately 
hurried on, regardless of any danger they might be rush- 
ing into. On approaching the house, it being then quite 
dark, they caught the glimpse of persons running in the 
direction of a piece of woods near by ; upon whom they, 
in their hurry, fired at random. 

Having pursued on to the skirt of the wood, and see- 
ing no more of the enemy, they returned to the house, 



230 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

where a mournful spectacle presented itself. There lay 
the mangled and lifeless corpse of my grandfather, 
drenched in his own blood ; and tomahawked and 
scalped ; and on examination it was found that three 
balls had passed through his body. In searching, the 
next morning, at the place where the Indians, for such 
were they supposed to be, were fired upon, they found 
blood in several places leading into the woods, evincing 
that some one of them, at least, had been wounded. It 
was supposed that the hostile party consisted of four 
tories, and five Indians, as that number was seen next 
day, near Fort Edward, traveling north with a hurried 
step ; one of which limped considerably and lagged 
behind. 

A short time previous to the foregoing tragedy, my 
grandfather, at the head of fifty men, had a desperate 
encounter with about eighty Indians and tories at Sab- 
bathday point,^ in which the enemy were defeated, with 
the loss of forty killed and wounded. It was supposed 
that, in consequence of so signal a defeat, which was 
effected by means of an ambuscade, the Indians and tories 
were determined, at all hazards, to destroy the man, who 
in this, as in many other instances, had been so great a 



^ Sabbathday point is a low neck of land stretching into Lake George 
from the western shore, three miles from the little village of Hague. On 
Sabbathday point, Lord Amherst with his army stopped for refreshment 
upon the morning of the Sabbath, and gave this beautiful spot the name 
by which it is now known. It is a charming spot, and susceptible of great 
embelishment. In the summer of 1756, a small body of Provincials who 
had retreated to this point, defeated a superior force of French and Indians, 
who had attacked them in gun-boats. 



Appendix. 231 

scourge to them, and which they finally accomplished, 
in the manner already related. 

At the time the American army under General Schuy- 
ler was retreating down the Hudson from Fort Edward, 
small parties of tories and Indians kept pace with them 
along the opposite bank, and when an opportunity pre- 
sented, where the road was on or near the margin of 
that stream, along which the army passed, they would 
secrete themselves near the bank and fire across at the 
officers and men ; and in this manner they pursued them 
as far down as Stillwater, wounding many on the way. 
When the army was thus passing near E. Vandenburgh's, 
and opposite a shoal place in the river, an Indian waded 
out some distance and fired, hitting a soldier and badly 
wounding him in the hand. Another soldier, by the 
name of Dirk Van Vechten, who was marching in the 
same platoon, was so vexed at it that he was determined 
to avenge the injury. Accordingly he kept a sharp look 
out, and watching his opportunity, as soon as he saw an 
Indian approach the river, he crept along on the ground, 
and laid himself down on the margin of the bank, behind 
some open bushes ; and as an Indian arrived at a spot 
in the river, from which he raised his piece to fire. Van 
Vechten let drive at him, when the Indian bounded, 
with a horrid screech, three feet out of water, and fell, 
and he saw no more of him. After that, the Indians 

were very careful how and where they showed themselves. 
^ * * * 

Several anecdotes in connection with the battle of 
Bennington have been recorded, of which the following 
is one. 



232 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

Among the reinforcements from Berkshire county 
came a clergyman, the Rev. Mr. Allen, of Pittslield, 
with a portion of his flock, resolved to make bare the 
arm of flesh against the enemies of the country. Before 
daylight on the morning of the i6th, he addressed the 
commander as follows: "We the people of Berkshire 
have been frequently called upon to fight, but have 
never been led against the enemy. We have now re- 
solved, if you will not let us fight, never to turn out 
again." General Stark asked him if he wished to march 
then, when it vi^as dark and rainy. " No," was the 
answer. "Then," continued Stark, " if the Lord should 
once more give us sunshine, and I do not give you 
fighting enough, I will never ask you to come again." 
The weather cleared up in the course of the day, and 
the men of Berkshire followed their spiritual guide into 
action. 

Another — On General Stark's approach to the Hes~ 
sian camp, and pointing out the enemy to his soldiers, 
he declared to them that " he would gain the victory 
over them in the approaching battle, or Molly Stark 
should be a widow that night." 

Some two or three days previous to the time that 
Colonel Baum was detached to Bennington, a party of 
Indians and tories v/ere sent on for the purpose of 
scouring the country between that place and Fort Ed- 
ward. On their way they captured and took with them 
Mrs. Hannah Coon (now Mrs. Grandy), wife of Mr. 
Elisha Coon, a captain in the American militia, and 
who was then absent on duty. Mrs. Coon was then 



Appendix. 233 

in a very delicate situation, and such as required mo- 
mentary attention ; but notwithstanding, she was com- 
pelled, as incapacitated as she was, to travel on foot 
with these ferocious savages and more brutal tories. 
The second day after her capture her accouchement took 
place, where they halted for the night. In the morn- 
ing after her confinement, she, with two other women 
who had also been captured, was again compelled to 
walk and carry her child, to the place where the troops 
under Colonel Baum encamped, previous to the action 
with the Americans under General Stark. Before the 
battle, she says, the troops were in high spirits, and boasted 
much of their ability to subdue the " rebel Yankees," 
as they called the Americans, and vainly endeavored to 
persuade a number, whom they had taken prisoners on 
the way, to join in the cause of the British king. But 
during the action, and while the soldiers were repeatedly 
bringing the wounded into camp, she would laugh at, 
and ridicule them. Soon after the action commenced, 
she saw the Indians, she says, flying in all directions, 
and skulking behind trees, rocks, and other places of 
concealment. On the retreat of the Indians, after the 
defeat of Colonel Baum, she was taken with them, 
and soon met the reinforcments under Colonel Brey- 
mann ; when she returned to camp and remained 
during the second battle, and was again compelled to 
travel on foot with them on their retreat to the place 
where they encamped during the night. Here, owing 
to her recent confinement and constant fatigue, she was 
taken sick, and whether it was on that account, or on 



234 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

account of the hurry and bustle the troops were in at the 
time, being in momentary expectation of pursuit by the 
Americans, she does not know, but she was left without 
a guard, and managed to conceal herself and child until 
they had departed, when she made her escape. 

During those days of extreme suffering, distress, and 
alarm that she experienced, while in her delicate state of 
health, she was often threatened with instant death, if 
she refused to proceed or complained of inability ; and 
once, in particular, an Indian chief approached her with 
much ferocity, at a time when she was tantalizing them 
on their defeat, and actually clenched up her child, 
which was lying on her lap, and drew his scalping knife 
around its head, and brandished his tomahawk over her, in 
token of what he would do if she did not desist ; and she 
thinks would have carried his threats into execution, had 
it not been for the interference of a humane officer. 
After her escape, and having undergone all the horrors 
of a cruel death, she with much difficulty returned home, 
where she remained alone (excepting her infant child), 
and in the midst of the wilderness, about three weeks, 
with nothing to subsist upon but a little salt pork, 
which had been concealed, and some old or seed cucum- 
bers, that were left undisturbed in the garden, all of 
their other provisions and even her cooking and other 
furniture having been taken away by the Indians and 
tories. The cucumbers she scraped the seeds from 
and peeled, then roasted them in the embers, and 
though she was fearful they might kill her, yet, she 
says, she thought she might as well die by eating them 



Appendix. 23 5 

as to starve to death — as the salt pork she could not 
eat alone. 

At the expiration of three weeks she was again taken 
by the Indians and tories, who, she thinks, vented 
their malice particularly upon her, on account of her 
husband having taken sides with the Americans, as they 
would often speak of it. At this time she was compelled 
to cross the river with them, in advance of the British 
army, and was taken as far as Stillwater, but managed 
to make her escape during the action of the 19th of 
September, having suffered much during the time. 

But little do the junior matrons of these times of 
luxury and ease, know or feel of the suffering and depri- 
vations of those who inhabited this part of the country 
in those days of peril and alarm ; and there are but few, 
who sufficiently realize the price at which the dear 
bought liberties of our now happy country were pur- 
chased. 

Mrs. Coon (Grandy), now (1844) I'ves on the same 
farm that her husband owned and occupied when she 
was taken prisoner — about two miles from Union 
Village, in Washington county, New York. She is, 
at the time of writing this narrative, ninety-three years 
of age, quite active, and her step uncommonly firm for 
a person of her advanced age ; and she bids fair to five 
yet a number of years. On the recital of her sufferings, 
a glow of resentment suffused her matronly cheek, and 
the fire of indignation would sparkle in her keen black 
eye ; but in a moment she sprang upon her feet, with 
the seeming activity of youth, and broke out in raptures 



236 Campaign of General John Burgoyne, 

of joy, as though no sacrifice for her country had been 
too great, and exclaimed with much energy of feeling : 
" But they got well paid for it! the first army," as she 
called it, " were most all taken prisoners, and the second 
got defeated and had to run for their lives; " and " Oh," 
she said, " how I rejoiced to see it, though I knew my 
own sufferings would be increased." And who is there 
so lost to his country's weal as not to exclaim with the 
patriot poet ? 

"Amor (patriae) vincit omnia, et nos cedamus amori." 

The following incident took place while Colonel 
Warner had the command of the garrison at Fort Ed- 
ward : 

While the Americans held undisputed possession of 
the posts at the north, it was a very common thing for 
the different commanders to exchange visits. Colonel 
Warner occasionally visited the commander at Fort 
George. On one of these occasions, he was returning 
with two officers, all of them on horseback. As they 
were passing the Bloody pond, where some hostile In- 
dians had hid themselves behind an old tree, they re- 
ceived a volley of musketry from their concealed 
enemies. The two officers fell lifeless to the ground, 
and Colonel Warner was wounded, as was also the 
horse he rode. He put spurs to the bleeding animal 
and endeavored to escape. One of the officer's horses 
accompanied him, and the Indians pursued. As he 
rode on, his own occasionally seemed ready to fall under 
him, and at other times would revive and appear to re- 



Appendix, 237 

new his strength. The other horse kept up with them, 
alternately increasing and relaxing his speed, to keep 
pace with his wounded companion. The colonel in 
vain tried to seize the bridle which hung over his neck, 
an expedient which promised to save him if his own 
steed should fail. In this manner, and with all the 
horrid anticipation of a cruel death before him, he 
managed to outstrip his pursuers until he reached Glen's 
Falls. There, as the uninjured horse came along side, 
he made another attempt to seize his bridle, and suc- 
ceeded. He instantly dismounted, unslung his own 
saddle, threw it over the fence, mounted the other horse 
and rode off at full speed. He saw no more of his pur- 
suers from this moment, but reached Fort Edward in 
safety. Not however, without being really overcome 
by his exertion, fatigue, and loss of blood. What was 
also singular, was the arrival of his wounded horse, 
which lived to do good service in the field. 

:}; ^ >K >H 

During the time (nearly a month ^) that Burgoyne, 
with his army, lay at and near the Batten kil, an inci- 
dent took place, which I think worthy of notice, as 
showing the spirit and ardor of the whigs in those 
troublous times, and their determination to cut off all 
supplies from the invading army. 

The tories, or cow boys as they were then called, 
were in the constant habit of plundering the inhabitants 



^ An error, unless Fort Miller, ten miles above, is considered as a por- 
tion of the encampment at the Batten kil. — W. L. Stone. 

21 



23 8 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

on both sides of the river, of their grain, poultry, and 
other kinds of eatables, and driving oft' their cattle, hogs, 
and sheep, whenever they could find them, for the pur- 
pose of supplying the British army with provisions, for 
which no doubt they were well paid. Though often 
pursued, and sometimes roughly handled by the whigs, 
they still persisted. At one time in particular, they had 
collected and secreted in a deep dark ravine, branching 
off" from Mill creek, a la'rge quantity of provisions, such 
as beef, pork, flour, and other articles of consumption, 
with the intention of transporting them, at some favor- 
able opportunity, to the British camp. By accident it 
was found out, and the place of concealment discovered ; 
upon which my father, at the head of about twenty 
resolute fellows, which he had collected together and 
well armed, v^ent on in the night, for the purpose of 
taking or destroying their plunder. On their arrival 
within a short distance of the depot, one of them crept 
slily along, when he discovered the tories, about thirty 
in number ; five of whom appeared to be armed and 
keeping guard, while the others were in the act of 
loading four wagons which stood a short distance from 
the depot, and which they had brought for the purpose 
of conveying away their stores. The assailing party 
then held a secret council of war, to consult whether, 
the enemy being so much superior in number, it was 
advisable to proceed ; whereupon it was unanimously 
agreed that they should go ahead, and made their 
arrangements accordingly. 

The place where the stores were concealed, was be- 



Appendix. 239 

hind a poiiu projecting from the opposite side, around 
which the ravine curved, forming the bank on the side 
of the assailants into a semicircle, around which, it was 
preconcerted, they should extend themselves in couples, 
and silently approach the bank or brow of the hill, and 
at the word of command, " Come on^ boys /" they were 
all to give a whoop, and rush on, though not to fire un- 
less the tories made resistance ; but in that case, to 
fight their way through in the best way they could. All 
preliminaries being arranged, they formed themselves in 
order of battle, and silently moved on to the brow of 
the hill forming the ravine ; and when my father, who 
was at the head, and as previously agreed, gave the 
word, "Come on boys!" they gave such horrid, con- 
tinued, and frightful yells, and at the same time rushing 
down the hill like a mighty torrent, that by the time 
they had got to the bottom of the ravine, the enemy had 
all decamped, leaving their arms and baggage a prey to 
the victors. The assailants not yet satisfied, pursued on 
a considerable distance, shouting, whooping, and making 
the woods ring with their horrid yells, as though a thou- 
sand Indians had been let loose upon the frightened fugi- 
tives. Having found no enemy in their pursuit, the 
assailants returned to the deserted camp, to' examine 
their booty ; but as the tories had not yet brought, or had 
concealed their horses, and having no means of bringing 
ofF the wagons, they went to work and broke them in 
pieces, as much as they could. Having stove in the 
barrels, and scattered and otherwise destroyed the floiir 
and other provisions, they all returned home safe and 



240 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

sound, and much to the joy and gratification of their 
families and friends ; bringing with them twenty-five 
stand of arms, with which Burgoyne had furnished the 
tories, and which the victors considered lawful prize. 

Thus ended this hazardous and praiseworthy exploit, 
and for which my father was honored with the title of 
captain^ a title, as is now well known to many, by which 
for a number of years, he was addressed, until he was 
appointed a civil magistrate, when the title was exchanged 
for esquire. 

About the same time, small parties of Indians were 
seen prowling about the vicinity, of whom my father and 
a few resolute fellows had been in pursuit. On their 
return, he had occasion, while the others passed on, to 
call at a Mr. Ezekiel Ensign's, who afterwards, and for 
a number of years, kept a public house a little north of 
Wilbur's basin. While sitting there about nine o'clock 
in the evening, in conversation with Mr. Ensign, a fero- 
cious looking giant-like Indian, armed and accoutred in 
the usual costume of an aboriginal warrior, ushered him- 
self into the room, and after eyeing them sharply for a 
moment, he with one hand drew from his belt a huge 
tomahawk, which he flourished about his head in true 
Indian style, and with the other a long scalping-knife, 
whose glittering steel became more brilliant in the daz- 
zling glare of a bright torch-light, and with which he 
exhibited, in pantomime, his dextrous manner of taking 
scalps. At the same time, with eyes flashing fire, and 
turning alternately from one to the other, as they sat in 
opposite directions, he accompanied his daring acts in 



Appendix. 241 

broken English, with threats of instant death, if they 
attempted to move^r speak. Ensign being a cripple In 
one arm, having at some former time accidentally re- 
ceived a charge of shot through his shoulder, and feeling 
his ow^n weakness, should resistance become necessary, 
and being in momentary expectation of receiving the 
fatal blow, became fixed and immovable in his chair, 
with a countenance of ashy paleness, 

Obstupuit, steteruntque comae, et vox fauclbus haesit. 

On the other hand, my father, being a man of great 
muscular strength, and of uncommon agility, and having 
had many encounters with the Indians, for which they 
owed him a grudge, prepared himself, with much presence 
of mind, for a desperate event. To this effect, while 
the Indian, in his threatening manner, would momentarily 
direct his attention to Ensign, he would imperceptibly 
and by degrees, turn himself in his chair, and in this 
manner would from time to time, keep silently moving 
by little and little, until he succeeded in placing himself 
in a position in which he could grasp with both hands, 
the back posts of his chair. Thus situated, and knowing 
the lives of both of them depended altogether on his own 
exertions, he watched his opportunity, and the moment 
the Indian turned his eye from him, he grasped the chair, 
and with almost the rapidity of lightning, sprang upon 
his feet, whirled the chair over his head, and aimed at 
him a desperate blow : but the chair taking the ceiling 
above, and the Indian at the same time, and almost as 
quick as thought, dodging the blow, he missed his aim. 
The Indian, having recovered his position, immediately 



242 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

sprang with a hideous yell, and with^his tomahawk up- 
lifted, ready to strike the fatal blow ; but before he could 
effect his direful purpose, the chair was brought around 
the second time, and with redoubled force, athwart his 
head and shoulders, which brought him to the floor. 

No sooner had he fallen, than his assailant, dropping 
his chair, sprang upon him, and wrenched from his firm 
grasp, the dreadful weapons of death ; and would have 
disabled him on the spot, but Ensign, who by this tim.e 
had recovered the power of speech, and supposing he 
intended to take the Indian's life, begged of him not to 
kill him in the house. He then, holding him in his firm 
grasp, called for a rope, which was soon procured, and 
with the assistance of Ensign, he succeeded, though not 
without a dreadful struggle, in binding the savage monster. 
By this time, two of the neighbors who had been alarmed 
by some female of the family, came in, when he was shut 
up in an out-house, with the doors barred, and left in 
their keeping during the remainder of the night ; to be 
disposed of in the morning as circumstances might re- 
quire. In the night, the guard believing him secure, 
and allowing themselves to fall asleep, he made his es- 
cape, by removing some portion of the floor and under 
wall, on the opposite side of the prison to which his 
guard was posted, much to the regret, not only of his 
victor, but to many of the neighbors, who had flocked 
together to obtain a sight of the conquered savage. 

At another time seven of those maurauding tories, 
who had distinguished themselves by a series of desperate 
acts not to be patiently endured by the community, were 



Appendix, 243 

taken prisoners, conveyed to Albany, and confined in the 
city prison, which also served for the court house and 
the meetings of the common council, and from which 
they once made their escape, but only to enjoy their 
liberty a few hours, for they were soon retaken and con- 
demned to the gallows. The public indignation was 
much excited by their conduct in prison, and the cir- 
cumstances attending their being brought to suffer the 
sentence of the law. They were confined in the right 
hand room of the lower story of the prison. The door 
of their apartment swung in a place cut out lower than 
the level of the floor. When the sheriff" came to take 
them out he found the door barricaded. He procured a 
heavy piece of timber v/ith which he in vain endeavored 
to batter down the door, although he was assisted in the 
operation by some very athletic and willing individuals. 
During the attempt, the voices of the prisoners were 
heard threatening death to those who persevered in the 
attempt, with the assertion that they had a train of pow- 
der to blow up themselves and their assailants. Indeed 
it was well ascertained, that a quantity of powder had 
passed into their possession, but how, could not be 
known. It was afterwards found placed under the floor, 
and arranged to produce the threatened result. The 
sheriff could not effect his entrance, while a crowd of 
gazers looked on to see the end of this singular con- 
test. Some one suggested the idea of getting to them 
through the ceiling, and immediately went to work 
to effect a passage by cutting a hole through. While 
this was going on, the prisoners renewed their threats. 



244 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

with vows of vengeance speedy, awful and certain. The 
assailants, however, persevered, and having procured a 
fire-engine, placed it so as to introduce the hose sud- 
denly to the hole in the ceiling, and at a given signal 
inundated the room beneath. This was dextrously per- 
formed. The powder and its train were in an instant 
rendered useless. Still, however, to descend was the 
difficulty, as but one person could do so at a time. The 
disproportion of physical strength that apparently awaited 
the first intruder, prevented, for some time, any further 
attempt. At last an Irishman, by the name of McDole, 
who was a merchant, exclaimed, "give me an Irishman's 
gun, and I will go first !" He was instantly provided 
with a formidable cudgel, and with this in his hand he 
descended, and at the same moment in which he struck 
the floor, he levelled the prisoner near him, and con- 
tinued to lay about him violently until the room was 
filled with a strong party of citizens, who came to his 
assistance through the hole in the ceiling. After a hard 
struggle they were secured, and the door, which had been 
barricaded by brick taken from the fireplace, was opened. 

They were almost immediately taken out for execu- 
tion, and the mob was sufficiently exasperated to have 
instantly taken their punishment into their own hands. 
The prisoners while meving up the hill to the place of 
execution, wore an air of great gloom and illnature. No 
one appeared to pity them, and their own hopes of being 
released by some fortunate circumstance, as by the in- 
tervention of the enemy, had now vanished forever. 

Having arrived at the summit of the hill, near, or at 



Appendix, 245 

the very place now covered with elegant and substantial 
edifices, near the present academy, they there, upon one 
gallows of rude construction, ended their miserable lives 
together, and were buried in front of it. 

The transaction created considerable excitement, and 
was considered by the tories as a cruel and unnecessary 
waste of life, and a sacrifice to the unnatural feelings 
which had dictated the unhappy rebellion. By the 
whigs, it was considered as a necessary example, de- 
manded by the nature of the times and the enormity of 
the offences they had committed, and they considered it 
not only a justifiable, but an imperious act of necessity, 
to inflict upon the offenders the full penalties of the law.' 

y^ >^ y^ yf. 

At one time while the two armies were encamped 
near each other (after the battle of Freeman's farm) 
about twenty of the most resolute inhabitants in the 
vicinity, collected together for the purpose of having a 
frolic, as they termed it, of some kind or other. After 
their arrival at the place of rendezvous, and a number of 
propositions had been logically discussed, they finally 
concluded, with more courage than prudence, that, by a 
coup- de-main^ they would go and bring in one of the 
British advance pickets, which was posted on the north 
bank of the middle ravine. Having with much formality, 
selected their several officers, and furnished themselves 
with suitable arms and other equipments, they marched 
off in zr-regular military style. The martial costume of 
the captain, for by such title he was addressed, exhibited 



^ The Sexagenary^ by S. D. W. Bloodgood^ p. lOO, Munsell's edition. 



246 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

the extremes of continental etiquette, personified in one 
instance, by a sharp and huge three cocked hat, pro- 
fusely trimmed with the threadbare fragments of thrown- 
ofF gold lace, surmounting a well pomatumed and 
powdered head. A long waisted blue coat, turned up 
with rather sun-bleached buff, that met and parted at the 
same time on his breast ; a black silk neck-kerchief 
drawn tightly around his throat, discovering the balance 
of power, or rather the center of gravity, to be lying 
some where in the region of the olfactory organ, com- 
pleted the upper half of this mischief-bent volunteer 
officer. A pair of buckskin small clothes drawn tightly 
over a muscular thigh, were met at the knee by a pair 
of straight-sided boots, that, doubtless, by their stiffness 
and want of pliability prevented any thing like an attack 
upon the limb inside. An old white belt thrown over 
the whole man, and a heavy sabre with a leather scab- 
bard, completed the brilliant costume of this son of 
chivalry, and /r-regular friend of the continental congress. 

The other com-m\?>s\onQA officers, for such by way of 
distinguishment, were they called, were fully armed and 
accoutred in a similar manner, but somewhat inferior in 
brilliancy. 

Brown tow shirts were the panoply of the farmer- 
soldiers ; over their broad shoulders hung powder horns 
and shot bags, manufiictured during the long winter 
evenings, and now and then stopped up with a corn cob, 
which had escaped the researches of the swinish mul- 
titude. Muskets were rather uncommon among the 
inhabitants in those days of martial exploit, and in their 
stead, long fowling-pieces were substituted. 



Appendix. 247 

In such a group of combatants just escaped, as it were, 
from the tomahawk, hastily equipped for the present emer- 
gency, and bearing a grotesque appearance, the name of 
Steuben was of no more weight than the feather that 
danced in the breeze. Thus armed and accoutred, these 
sons of daring intrepidity, marched off about ten o'clock 
at night, with more courage than order, fully determined 
to conquer or die in the glorious cause of their beloved 
country, then bleeding at every pore. 

As they approached within musket-shot distance of 
their unsuspecting enemy, they were formed, or rather 
formed themselves in order of battle, and advanced in 
thvtQ grand divisions — one by a circuitous route, to gain 
their rear, while the other two posted themselves on 
their flanks. After giving time for each party to gain 
their several positions, the resolute captain, who was pre- 
pared for the purpose, gave the preconcerted signal, by 
a deafening blast on an old horse trumpet, whose martial 
sound had often cheered the mounted troops to fierce and 
bloody combat, when all, with fearless step " rushed 
bravely on" with clattering arms, through rustling leaves 
and crackling brush, with the usual parade of a hundred 
men. As they closed in, the leaders of each division, in 
a bold and commanding voice, and before the guard 
could say " Who comes there } " called, or rather bawled 
out, "Ground your arms, or you are all dead men!" 
Supposing they were surrounded by a much superior 
force, and deeming resistance, under such circumstances, 
of no avail, the officer of the guard gave the orders, when 
their arms were immediately grounded, and thirty British 



248 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

soldiers surrendered themselves " prisoners of war" to 
only two-thirds of their number, and those undisciplined 
American farmers. 

* * * * 

Accompanying the American army were a great num- 
ber of women, principally foreigners, many of whom had 
husbands or brothers in the action, and many who fol- 
lowed merely for the sake of plunder, as was manifested 
during the night after the action of the 7th October. 
The next morning after the battle, every man that was 
left dead on the field, and even those who were supposed 
to be mortally wounded, and not yet dead, but helpless, 
were found stripped of their clothing, which rendered it 
almost impossible to distinguish between American and 
British. But during the action, a heart-rending, and yet 
to some a laughable, scene took place in the American 
camp, and probably the same in the British. In the heat 
of the battle, and while the cannon were constantly roar- 
ing like oft peals of distant thunder, and making the 
earth to quake from its very foundation, some of those 
women, wringing their hands, apparently in the utmost 
distress, and frantically tearing their hair in the agony of 
their feelings, were heard to cry out, in the most lament- 
able exclamations, " Och, my husband ! my poor hus- 
band ! Lord Jesus, spare my poor husband!" which 
would be often repeated, and sometimes by fifteen or 
twenty voices at once ; while the more hardened ones, 
and those rejoicing in the prospects of plunder, would 
break out in blasphemous imprecations, exclaiming, 
" D — n your poor husband, you can get another ! " And 



Appendix. 249 

in this manner the scene continued during the action ; 
and I have heard it observed by those who were present, 
that they could not help smiling, even through their tears, 
at the pitiful exhibition. 

^ 5(C 3jC ^ 

The soldier who shot General Fraser, was Timothy 
Murphy, a Virginian, who belonged to Morgan's rifle 
corps, in which he distinguished himself as a marksman, 
and excited much interest while in camp. After the 
capture of Burgoyne, the company to which he belonged 
was ordered to Schoharie, where it remained until their 
term of service expired. When the company was dis- 
banded. Murphy and some others remained, and served 
in the militia ; his skill in the desultory war which the 
Indians carry on, gave him so high a reputation, that 
though not nominally the commander, he usually directed 
all the movements of the scouts that were sent out, and 
on many important occasions the commanding officers 
found it dangerous to neglect his advice ; his double rijie^ 
his skill as a marksman, and his fleetness either in retreat 
or pursuit, made him an object both of dread and of ven- 
geance to the Indians : they formed many plans to de- 
stroy him, but he always eluded them, and sometimes 
made them suffer for their temerity. 

He fought the Indians with their own weapons. 
When circumstances permitted, he tomahawked and 
scalped his fallen enemy ; he boasted after the war that 
he had slain forty of the enemy with his own hand ; more 
than half of whom he had scalped ; he took delight in 
perilous adventures, and seemed to love danger for dan- 
22 



250 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

ger's sake. Tradition has preserved the account of many 
of his exploits ; but there are so many versions of the 
same story, and so much evident fiction mixed with the 
truth, that the author will give but a single instance as 
proof of the dread with which he was regarded by the 
Indians. 

They were unable to conjecture how he could dis- 
charge his rifle twice without having time to reload ; and 
his singular good fortune in escaping unhurt, led them to 
suppose that he was attended by some invisible being, 
who warded off their bullets, and sped his with unerring 
certainty to the mark. When they had learned the 
mystery of his doubled-barrelled rifle, they were careful 
not to expose themselves too much until he had fired 
twice, knowing that he must have time to reload his 
piece before he could do them further injury. 

One day having separated from his party, he was pur- 
sued by a number of Indians, all of whom he outran ex- 
cepting one ; Murphy turned round, fired upon this 
Indian, and killed him. Supposing that the others had 
given up the pursuit he stopped to strip the dead, when 
the rest of his pursuers came in sight. He snatched the 
rifle of his fallen foe, and with it killed one of his pur- 
suers J the rest, now sure of their prey, with a yell of 
joy heedlessly rushed on, hoping to make him their pri- 
soner ; he was ready to drop down with fatigue, and was 
likely to be overtaken, when turning round, he discharged 
the remaining barrel of his rifle, and killed the foremost 
of the Indians ; the rest, astonished at his firing three 
times in succession, fled, crying out that he could shoot 
all day without loading. 



Appendix. 251 

In stature, Miirphv was about five feet six inches, and 
very well proporiioned, with dark complexion, and an 
eye that would kindle and flash like the very lightning 
when excited. He was exceedingly quick in all his 
motions, and possessed an iron frame that nothing ap- 
parently could affect : And what is very remarkable, his 
body was never wounded or scarred during the whole 

war.^ 

^ H^ * * 

The following facts respecting Col. Cochran, 1 ob- 
tained through the politeness of Miss Caroline Ogden, 
an interesting maiden lady, and grand-daughter of the 
colonel, who now (1844) resides with J, T. M'Cown, 
Esq., in the city of Troy. 

Colonel Cochran having been sent to Canada as a 
spy, his mission was suspected, and a large bounty offered 
for his head. While there he was taken sick, and know- 
ing that he was suspected, concealed himself, for the 
space of a few days, in a brush heap, within about two 
miles of the American lines, unable to make his escape, or 
even to walk. Having suffered much from his sickness 
and want of nourishment, and having discovered a log 
cabin at considerable distance from where he was con- 
cealed, and the only one in sight, he cr#pt to it on his 



^ At the close of the war, Murphy became a farmer and settled in Scho- 
harie Co., N. Y. He was a capital stump speaker, and was a political 
power in the county. He brought William C. Bouck into political life, 
which in time, carried him into the gubernatorial chair of the Empire state. 
He died in 1818, full of years and honors, of cancer occasioned by the 
recoil of his rifle on his cheek. — Ed. 



252 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

hands and knees, for the purpose of soliciting assistance. 
On his approach to the rear of the cabin, he heard three 
men in earnest conversation, and as it happened he was 
the subject of their discourse. Having heard of the 
heavy bounty that was offered for the colonel, and having 
seen a man in the vicinity a few days before, answering 
the description of him, they were then forming their plans, 
and expressing their determination to find his where- 
abouts, and take him for the sake of the bounty, One 
of the men was the owner of the cabin, whose wife was 
also present, and the others were his brother and brother- 
in-law. Soon after this conversation took place, and the 
three men having departed in pursuit, he crept into the 
cabin, and frankly told the woman, who seemed favor- 
ably impressed towards him, on account of his almost help- 
less condition, that he had overheard the conversation, 
and that he was the man of whom they were in search, 
and that he should throw himself entirely upon her mercy, 
and trust to her fidelity for protection, which she very 
kindly promised him, to the utmost of her ability. Hav- 
ing administered some restoratives, which seemed to give 
relief, and given him some suitable nourishment, he lay 
down on a bed in the room, for the purpose of taking 
some repose, which he very much needed. After the 
men had been absent some three hours, they again re- 
turned, when she concealed him in a closet, or sort of 
cupboard, standing by the side of the fire place, and shut 
the door, taking good care while the men were in the 
house, to keep near it herself, that if anything should be 
wanted from within, she might be ready to get it herself. 



Appendix, ic^^ 

During the time the men were in the cabin, they ex- 
pressed much confidence in the belief that the colonel 
was concealed somewhere in the vicinity, and named 
many places in which they intended to search for him ; 
all of which he, in his place of concealment, overheard. 
Having taken some food, and otherwise prepared them- 
selves, the men again departed, in order to renew their 
search. 

Soon after they retired, and the woman considering 
the colonel's present situation not long safe, she proposed 
that he should conceal himself at some distance from the 
cabin, where she might clandestinely bring him food, 
and render him such other assistance as he needed, and 
accordingly directed him to take post on a certain hill 
about half a mile ofF, where he might be able to discover 
any person on their approach, and to flee, if he was 
able, and it became necessary. On his manifesting an 
inclination to resume his former position in the brush 
heap, which was in the midst of quite a patch of ground 
that had been cut over for a fallow, she told him that 
her husband intended to burn it over the next day, and 
in that case he would certainly be discovered, or perish 
in the conflagration ; upon which he submitted entirely 
to her proposition and directions, and crept along to the 
hill in the best way he could. He remained sometime 
in this place of concealment, undiscovered by any one 
except this faithful Rahab of the forest, who rendered 
him suitable and timely assistance, and like a good 
Samaritan poured in the " oil and the wine," until his 
strength was In a measure restored, and he was again 
enabled to return to his country and his home. 



254 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

Some years, after the close of the war, and while the 
colonel lived at Ticonderoga, he accidentally came across 
this kind hearted woman, whose name, I much regret, 
I have not been able to ascertain, and rewarded her 
handsomely for her fidelity. 

Colonel Cochran died 1822, near Sandy Hill, Wash- 
ington county. New York, much lamented by a large 
circle of friends and acquaintances, and was buried in the 
family burying-ground at Fort Edward. 

* * * * 

The Germans were found almost totally unfit for the 
business they were engaged in. They were unable to 
march through the woods and encounter the difficulties 
incident to our then almost unsettled country. Many 
of them deserted to our army before and after the con- 
vention at Saratoga. 

Among those of the German troops who surrendered, 
were the Hesse-Hanau regiment, Riedesel's dragoons 
and Specht's regiment, the most remarkable of the whole. 
The Hessians were extremely dirty in their persons, and 
had a collection of wild animals in their train — the only 
thing American they had captured. Here could be seen 
an artillery-man leading a black grizzly bear, who every 
now and then would rear upon his hind legs as if he 
were tired of going upon all fours, or occasionally growl 
his disapprobation at being pulled along by his chain. 
In the same manner a tamed deer would be seen tripping 
lightly after a grenadier. Young foxes were also ob- 
served looking sagaciously at the spectators from the top 
of a baggage wagon, or a young racoon securely clutched 



Appendix. 255 

under the arm of a sharp shooter. There were a great 
many women accompanying the Germans, and a misera- 
able looking set of oddly dressed, gypsey featured females 
they were. 

It is said that no insults were offered to the prisoners 
as they marched off, and they felt grateful for it. 
However, after they got out of the camp, many of the 
British soldiers were extremely abusive, cursing the 
rebels and their own hard fate. The troops were 
escorted by some of the New England militia, and 
crossed the river at Stillwater, on a bridge of rafts, 
which had been constructed by the Americans while the 
army was encamped on Bemis's heights. 

On the night of the surrender, a number of Indians 
and squaws, the relics of Burgoyne's aboriginal force, 
were quartered under a strong guard for safe keeping. 
Without this precaution their lives would not have been 
safe from the exasperated militia. 

>K . * * * 

Among these savages were three, that were between 
six and seven feet in height, perfect giants in form, and 
possessing the most ferocious countenances. And 
among them, was recognized the same Indian with whom 
my father had the encounter at Ensign's. 

Blood and carnage were now succeeded by success 
and plunder. The clouds of battle rolled away, and 
discovered hundreds of searchers after the relics of the 
tented field. 

H: * * ^ 

While the British army lay on the north bank of 



256 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

Fish creek, the east side of the river, in addition to the 
regular troops, was lined with American militia. One 
of them, an expert swimmer, discovered a number of the 
enemy's horses feeding in a meadow of General Schuy- 
ler's, opposite, and asked permission of his captain to go 
over and get one of them. It was given, and the man 
instantly stripped, and swam across the river. He as- 
cended the bank and selecting a fine bay horse for his 
prize, approached the animal, seized, and mounted him 
instantly. This last was the work of a moment. He 
forced the horse into a gallop, plunged down the bank 
and brought him safely over to the American camp, 
although a volley of musketry was fired at him from a 
party of British soldiers posted at a distance beyond. 
His success was hailed with enthusiasm, and it had a 
corresponding effect on his own adventurous spirit. 
After he had rested himself, he went to his^ofiicer and 
remarked, that it was not proper that a private should 
ride, whilst his commander went on foot. " So, sir," 
added he, '' if you have no objections, I will go and 
catch another for you, and next winter when we are 
home, we will have our own fun in driving a pair of 
Burgoyne's horses." The captain seemed to think it 
would be rather a pleasant thing, and gave a ready con- 
sent. The fellow actually went across the second time, 
and with equal success, and brought over a horse that 
matched exceedingly well with the other. The men 
enjoyed this prank very much, and it was a circum- 
stance familiar to almost every one in the army at that 
time. 



Appendix, 257 

Another circumstance happened about the same time, 
and shows that families were not only divided in feeling 
on the subject of the war, but that the natural ties which 
bind the same kith and kin together, were not al- 
ways proof against the political animosities of the times. 
When Burgoyne found his boats were not safe, and in 
fact much nearer the main body of the American army 
than his own, it became necessary to land his provisions, 
of which he had already been short for many weeks, in 
order to prevent his army being actually starved into 
submission. This was done under a heavy fire from 
the American troops, who were posted on the opposite 
side of the river. On one of these occasions, a person 

by the name of Mr. , at Salem, and a foreigner by 

birth, and who had at the very time a son in the British 
army, crossed the river at De Ridder's with a person by 
the name of M'Neil ; they went in a canoe, and arriving 
opposite to the place intended, crossed over to the 
western bank, on which a redoubt called Fort Lawrence 
had been erected. They crawled up the bank with 
their arms in their hands, and peeping over the upper 
edge, they saw a man in a blanket coat, loading a cart. 
They instantly raised their guns to fire, an action more 
savage than commendable. At the moment the man 

turned so as to be more plainly seen, old Mr. — said 

to his companion, now that's my own son Hughy, but 
I'll d — 'd for a' that if I sill not gi' him a shot. He then 
actually fired at his own son, as the person really proved 
to be, but happily without effect. Having heard the 
noise made by their conversation, and the cocking of 



258 Campaign of General John Burgoyne, 

their pieces, which the nearness of his position rendered 
perfectly practicable, he ran round the cart, and the 
balls lodged in the felloe of the wheel. The report 
drew the attention of the neighboring guards, and 
the two marauders were driven from their lurking 
place. While retreating with all possible speed M'Niel 
was wounded in the shoulder and while alive carried the 
wound about him unhealed to his last day. Had the ball 
struck the old Scotchman, it is questionable whether any 
one would have considered it more than even-handed 
justice, commending the chalice to his own lips. 

At the time Governor George Clinton, to whose in- 
defatigable exertions the state of New York owes more 
than she could repay, ordered out the militia of the dif- 
ferent counties, and at theif head proceeding northward 
in hopes of cutting off the retreat of Sir John Johnson, 
he advanced as far as Crown point without meeting the 
enemy. On his arrival at that post, and hearing nothing 
of Sir John, my father and John Benson, known and 
distinguished as bare foot Benson, who were volun- 
teers at the time, were selected by Governor Clinton, as 
scouts, to proceed from that post through a dense howl- 
ing wilderness, as far as Schroon lake, for the purpose 
of ascertaining by the trail of the Indians whether Sir 
John had passed between the two lakes. With only 
one ration for each, and nothing for their guide but a 
small pocket compass, they set out with their usual 
firmness and intrepidity. After traveling over steep 
and rugged mountains, and through deep, dark, and 
dismal ravines, they at length reached Schroon lake, 



Appendix, 259 

without making any discovery, in time to return as far 
back as the Beaver meadovi'S, about two miles west 
of the head of Brant lake, the first night. During the 
night, by way of precaution, they deemed it advisable to 
separate, that, in case they should be discovered by In- 
dians, who were constantly lurking about the country, 
there might be a better chance, for one of them at least, 
to make his escape and give the alarm. Accordingly 
they lay down in the tall grass about fifteen or twenty 
rods apart, for their repose, during the night. About 
three o'clock in the morning, as near as they could judge, 
they heard a rustling in the grass, about equi-distant 
from them both, and soon after heard a stepping, like 
some person cautiously approaching, which they sup- 
posed at the time to be the step of some Indian who 
might have discovered them at the time they concealed 
themselves in the grass. On the approach of the object 
within the circle of their faint vision, they both, as if by 
concert, though ignorant of each others intentions, being 
determined to sell their lives as dear as possible, raised 
themselves on one knee, levelled their pieces, and fired 
at the same instant. As soon as they fired, they heard 
a groan and momentary struggle in the grass, when all 
again was still as the abodes of death. They then re- 
loaded, and resumed their former positions, but there was 
no more sleep for them during the remainder of that 
night. Soon after day break, and when there was light 
sufficient to discern objects at a distance, they took an 
observation, and seeing no enemy near, they advanced 
to ascertain the result of their encounter in the night, 



26o Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

when behold, to their surprise, they found they had 
killed a famous great — deer ! 

After having their own sport for a while, they started 
on their return for the camp, by a different route from 
the one they came, and which they supposed would be 
nearer, but they had not gone far among the mountains, 
before the needle to their compass refused to perform its 
duty, owing no doubt to some neighboring mineral^ 
which operated more powerfully than the pole. After 
wandering about for some time, in a dark and dismal 
forest, it being a dark and cloudy day, they became be- 
wildered and finally got lost. Thus they continued to 
travel through the day, and found themselves at night 
near the place where they started from in the morning. 
By this time, having fasted twenty-four hours, their ap- 
petites became so sharp they thought they would make 
a meal out of the deer they had fortuitously killed the 
night before ; but on their arrival at the spot they found 
that the wolves or some other animals had devoured it, 
and left not even a bone. They then laid themselves 
down for repose, on the same bed of grass they had oc- 
cupied the night of the encounter. The next morning 
they again started for the camp, by the same route they 
came the first day, though somewhat faint for the want 
of food. About ten o'clock they came across a knap- 
sack, which had been lost or left in the woods, by some 
person to them unknown, containing a lot of boiled pork, 
bread and cheese promiscuously thrown in together, and 
out of which Benson made a hearty meal ; but my 
father, having so strong an aversion even to the smell of 



Appendix. 261 

cheese that he refused to taste a mouthful of any of the 
contents of the knapsack ; and accordingly stood it out 
until he arrived at camp, about three o'clock in the 
afternoon of the third day, where they were received, 
with much joy, by the governor and his staff, who had 
given them up for lost. It was thus ascertained that Sir 
John, with his horde of Indians, had not retreated in that 
direction, and the governor gave up all hopes of intercept- 
ing them on this occasion, and returned home. 

As I have pledged myself, in my introduction, to give 
all the principal facts connected with Burgoyne's cam- 
paign, as far as they have come to my knowledge, and 
as I am not writing to please any particular individual or 
class of readers, I will relate the following incident, 
which is often spoken of even to this day. 

The inhabitants throughout this part of the country, 
having been much harassed by the Indians and tories, 
and in constant danger of their lives, were consequently 
under the necessity, for their own safety, of building, at 
different stations, what they termed block-houses. 

These buildings were constructed of logs flattened on 
two sides and locked or halved together at the angles or 
corners, which rendered them strong and proof against 
rifle or musket balls. On each side, about six feet from 
the bottom, was an interstice or narrow space between 
the logs, for the purpose, in case of a siege or an attack, 
of thrusting their guns through to fire on the besiegers, 
below this open space a platform was erected about two 
feet from the floor, to stand upon while firing. The 
buildings were constructed without windows, and with 



262 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

but one door, which was made strong, and when occu- 
pied, this was strongly barricaded. To these buildings, 
when it was known or suspected there were Indians or 
tories in the vicinity, a number of families would resort 
during the night, leaving their own dv^^ellings much ex- 
posed, and many of which were plundered and con- 
sumed. 

The block-houses were often attacked, and some- 
times with considerable force, but as near as I have 
been able to learn, without much success, though with 
some loss to the assailants. 

It happened during a considerable interval of time, in 
which no Indians had been seen in the neighborhood, 
that the inhabitants ceased resorting to their block- 
houses. At this time a man by the name of Joseph 
Seely, whose vicious habits generally led him more to 
the gratification of his own evil propensities, than the 
public weal, and who had been out one day on a hunt- 
ing excursion, for which he was very famous, and not 
fastidious about the kind of game he bagged, even if it 
was a turkey or a fowl that might accidentally come in 
his way, returned from the woods, saying he had come 
across a party of Indians and tories, at whom he had 
fired, and as he thought, killed one. The alarm was 
immediately spread throughout the neighborhood, and 
the men all armed themselves, and flocked together, for 
the purpose of going in pursuit. On being led by Seely 
to the place where he said he had shot at the Indians, 
they found a trail of blood extending some distance 
through the woods, which led them on the course they 



• Appendix, 162 

concluded it best to pursue, not doubting, from the cir- 
cumstances of the blood, that he had severely wounded, 
if not killed, one of the Indians or tories. 

After trax'eling some miles and finding no enemy, 
they concluded they might have secreted themselves in 
the neighborhood, with the intention of committing 
their savage deeds during the following night. Accord- 
ingly they all returned home, it being near night, and 
for safety, after secreting as much of their effects as 
they conveniently could, they and their families resorted 
to their block-houses, and by turns kept watch for the 
enemy during the night ; but none appeared to molest 
them. 

The next morning they very cautiously returned to 
their several homes, and many of them with the ex- 
pectation of finding their property destroyed, and their 
dwellings in ashes. About ten o'clock, this mischief- 
bent hero of the forest, after having his own sport at 
the expense of his neighbors, and feeling conscious he 
had carried the joke too far, finally disclosed the whole 
secret. Having spent the whole forenoon of the pre- 
vious day, and finding no game, on his return came 
across a flock of sheep, and from his natural propensity 
to mischief, he fired among them, and badly wounded 
one, when they all ran into the woods. On pursuing 
them some distance to see if the wounded sheep died, 
he observed the blood trickled along on the leaves ; 
upon which he thought he would raise a "hue and 
cry," and alarm the neighborhood, by the horrible story 
he told of having seen and shot an Indian. 



264 Campaign of General John Burgoyne, 

The following daring feat was performed by the au- 
thor's great-uncle, Captain Hezekiah Dunham, who 
commanded a militia company in the vicinity of Bemis^s 
heights, a staunch whig, and a firm friend to the 
American cause. 

One evening as he was at a public entertainment, a 
boy was seen emerging from the woods in the neigh- 
borhood on horseback, and presently approaching the 
place where the people were collected, asked if he 
could purchase a little rum. When he was answered 
no, he immediately mounted, returned a considerable 
distance, and then was seen galloping down the main 
road by the river. On seeing this Dunham exclaimed, 
" This means something, 1 am sure of it." He then 
watched for the boy's return, and in a few minutes he 
repassed at full speed. He then reentered the wood, 
and was gone from their sight in an instant. Dun- 
ham's penetration induced him to say, " The enemy is 
near us ; the tories are in our neighborhood, and not 
far off." He separated from his company, with a de- 
termination to act immediately. 

Dunham, when he reached home, immediately went 
to a person by the name of Green, who was a son of 
Vulcan and of Mars, and an able-bodied, bold, and 
persevering fellow. He was the pride of his settle- 
ment, and the safe-guard of the people around him — 
always ready for action, never desponding, and fearless 
to an extent that was remarkable. He was always re- 
lied upon in trying emergencies by the leading men in 
the vicinity, and what completed his merits, he was 



Appendix. 265 

never backward. Dunham related the circumstance to 
him, and declared his belief that there was a party of 
tories in the neighborhood. 

Three other persons were called upon the same 
night for assistance, and when the rest of their neigh- 
bors were asleep, these hardy men commenced thetr 
reconnaissance. Every suspected spot was carefully ap- 
proached in hopes of finding the objects of their search. 
Every hollow that could contain a hiding place was 
looked into ; but in a more particular manner the out- 
houses and barns of those persons who were suspected 
for their attachment to the enemy, were examined by 
them. It seemed all in vain. No traces of a con- 
cealed foe were discovered, when toward day-break it 
was proposed to separate and make one final search for 
that time. Dunham took two men with him, and 
Green but one. The former as a last effort returned 

to the house of one , who it was probable would 

be in communication with an enemy if near him. As 
he approached the house he had to pass a meadow ad- 
joining, and observed a path leading from the house to a 
small thicket of about three acres in extent. Dunham 
immediately suspected it led to his enemy. He pur- 
sued it, and found it passed around the thicket, and 
when it almost met the place where it turned off, the 
path entered the wood. Dunham paused, and turning 
to his companions said, " Here they are, will you fol- 
low me ?" They instantly agreed to accompany him, 
and the party moved on in single file, with light and 
cautious steps. As they got nearly to the centre. 



266 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

Dunham in advance, a log stopped up the path, and 
seemed to prevent any farther approach. With a mo- 
tion that indicated the necessity of their remaining still, 
he mounted the log, and looking over, discovered, sure 
enough, at once a desired and yet imposing sight. 
Around the remains of a u^atch-fire, which day-break 
rendered less necessary, sat a group of five fierce look- 
ing men, with countenances relaxed from their usual 
fixedness ; but yet betokening boldness, if not savage- 
ness of purpose. They were dressing themselves, and 
putting on their shoes and stockings, which stood beside 
their rude couches. Their clothes were much worn, 
but had a military cut, which making their' stout and 
muscular forms more apparent, gave them a peculiar 
snug fit, and distinguished them from the loose, slovenly, 
scarecow figures which the homely character of our 
country seamstresses imposed upon everything rural or 
rusticated among our people. Their hats or caps were 
set carelessly on their heads, with the air of regulars ; 
and what made them still more observed was, that 
every man of them had his musket at his side on the 
ground, ready to be used at an instant's notice. Dun- 
ham surveyed this scene a few moments, and then drew 
back cautiously to his companions. In a tone not 
above a whisper, he said, " Shall we take 'em ?" A nod 
from his companions decided him — each now examined 
his musket, and reprimed it. The captain took the 
right of the little band, and they moved forward to the 
log. They mounted it at the same instant, and as they 
did so, Dunham cried out, " surrender or you are all 



Jppendix. 267 

dead men !" The group that thus found themselves 
almost under the " muzzles of their enemies' guns," 
were indeed astonished. All but their leader, Thomas 
Lovelass, seemed petrified and motionless. This reso- 
lute man seemed disposed to make an effort for their 
lives. Twice amid the silence and stillness of the 
perilous moment, he stretched out his hand to seize his 
gun. Each time he was prevented by the near ap- 
proach of the muzzle that pointed at his head, and be- 
yond which he saw an unflinching eye steadfastly fixed 
upon him ; at the same instant he was told, that if he 
touched it he was a dead man. 

At this critical period of the rencontre, Dunham pe- 
remptorily ordered the party to come out, one by one, 
which they reluctantly did, fearing perhaps that they 
were surrounded by and in contact with a superior force. 
As fast as one came over the log he was secured by the 
most powerful man of the three, while the other two kept 
their pieces steadily pointed at the prisoners. Some 
young women who proved to be sisters of some of the 
party, gave way to the most violent grief. Well aware 
of the- danger they were in, and the speedy vengeance 
inflicted upon tories and spies, they anticipated the most 
dreadful consequences to their unhappy brothers, and no 
words can express the frantic sorrow to which they aban- 
doned themselves. The young men themselves assumed 
an air of firmness, but it was easily penetrated. They 
confessed that their intention was to capture and take off 
some of the most active v/higs In the neighborhood. One 
of the prisoners, upon promise of quarter, informed that 
he belonged to a party of fifteen, who had come down 



2 68 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

from Canada on the same business — who were then, in 
various disguises, scattered through the country to ascer- 
tain the state of affairs for the benefit of the British 
general in Canada, who was planning an inroad, and 
that they had left their boats concealed on the shores of 
Lake George, The country was at that time overrun 
with spies and traitors. Robberies were frequent, and 
the inhabitants (non-combatants), carried prisoners to 
Canada. General Schuyler's house was robbed and two 
of his servants or life-guards carried there. The general 
saved himself by retiring to his chamber, barricading the 
door, and firing upon the marauders. 

Lovelass and his companions, were taken to the bar- 
racks at Saratoga, where they were tried and condemned 
at a court-martial, of which the celebrated General 
Stark was president. Lovelass alone suffered death. 
He was considered too dangerous a man to be permitted 
to escape. He complained that being found with arms in 
his hands he was only a prisoner, and many thought that 
such being the fact he was scarcely punishable as a spy. 
Indeed he even bewailed his hard fate, and the injustice 
done him, but found he had nothing to expect from the 
judges. In two or three days he was brought out of 
his place of confinement, and suffered death upon the 
gallows, during a tremendous storm of rain and wind, 
accompanied with heavy and often repeated claps of 
thunder, and the most vivid flashes of lightning.' 



^ The skull of Lovelass is now (1877) in the possession of George Strover 
Esq., who lives in the old Schuyler mansion at Schuylerville, The spy 
was hung a few rods south of his, Mr. Strover's, house. 



Appendix. 269 

The following incident, which took place near Oris- 
kany, may be interesting to the reader, as showing the 
unlimited confidence which might, in those days, be 
placed in the Indians, when pledged to perform any cer- 
tain act within their power. 

An old Indian named Han-Yerry, who during the war 
had acted with the royal party, and now resided at 
Oriskany in a log wigwam which stood on the bank of 
the creek, just back of the house until recently occupied 
by Mr. Charles Green, one day called at Judge White's 
with his wife and a mulatto woman who belonged to 
him, and who acted as his interpreter. After conversing 
with him a little while, the Indian asked him, 

" Are you my friend ? " 

'' Yes," said he. 

" Well, then," said the Indian, " do you believe I am 
your friend ? " 

" Yes, Han-Yerry," replied he, " I believe you are." 

The Indian then rejoined, " well, if you are my friend, 
and you believe I am your friend, I will tell you what I 
want, and then I shall know whether you speak true 
words." 

"And what is it that you want ? " said Mr. White. 

The Indian pointed to a little grandchild, the daughter 
of one of his sons, then between two and three years 
old, and said, 

" My squaw wants to take this pappoose home with 
us to stay to-night, and bring her home to-morrow : if 
you are my friend, you will now show me." 

The feelings of the grandfather at once uprose in his 



ayo Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

bosom, and the child's mother started with horror and 
alarm at the thought of entrusting her darling prattler 
with the rude tenants of the forest. The question was 
full of interest. On the one hand, the necessity of 
placing unlimited confidence in the savage, and entrust- 
ing the welfare and the life of his grandchild with him ; 
on the other the certain enmity of a man of influence 
and consequence in his nation, and one who had been 
the open enemy of his countrymen in their recent struggle. 
But he made the decision with a sagacity which showed 
that he properly estimated the character of the person 
he was dealing with. He believed that by placing im- 
plicit confidence in him, he should command the sense 
of honor which seems peculiar to the uncontaminated 
Indian. He told him to take the child ; and then as 
the mother, scarcely suffering it to be parted from her, 
relinquished it into the hands of the old man's wife, he 
soothed her fears with his assurances of confidence in 
their promises. That night, however, was a long one ; 
and during the whole of the next morning, many and 
often were the anxious glances cast upon the pathway 
leading from Oriskany, if possible to discover the In- 
dians and their little charge, upon their return to its 
home. But no Indians came in sight. It at length be- 
came high noon ; all a mother's fears were aroused ; she 
could scarcely be restrained from rushing in pursuit of 
her loved one. But her father represented to her the 
gross indignity which a suspicion of their intentions 
would arouse in the breast of the chief; and half frantic 
though she was, she was restrained. The afternoon 



Appendix, 271 

slowly wore away, and still nothing was seen of her child. 
The sun had nearly reached the western horizon, and 
the mother's heart had swollen beyond further endurance, 
when the forms of the Indian chief and his wife, bearing 
upon her shoulders their little visitor, greeted its mother's 
vision. The dress which the child had worn from home 
had been removed-, and in its place its Indian friends had 
substituted a complete suit of Indian garments, so as 
completely to metamorphose it into a little squaw. The 
sequel of this adventure was the establishment of a most 
ardent attachment and regard on the part of the Indian 
and his friends for the white settlers. The child, now 
Mrs. Eells of Missouri, the widow of the late Nathaniel 
Eells of Whitesboro, still remembers some incidents oc- 
curring on the night of her stay at the wigwam, and the 
kindness of her Indian hostess. 

Another — which occurred in relation to the siege of 
Fort Stanwix, and which evinced the fortitude and 
prowess of General Schuyler, in moments of difficulty. 

When Colonel Willett and his companion Lieutenant 
Stockwell left the fort and got beyond the investing party, 
which was not done without passing through sleeping 
groups of savages, who lay with their arms at their side, 
they crossed the river, and found some horses running 
wild in the woods. They were soon mounted, and with 
the aid of their bark bridles, stripped from the young 
trees, they made considerable progress on their journey. 
It is well known that they reached Stillwater village, and 
begged a reinforcement. General Schuyler, who then 
quartered in the house of Dirck Swart, Esq., now stand- 



272 Campaign of General John Burgoyne, 

ing at the foot of the hill, and occupied by Mrs. Williams, 
called a council of his officers, and asked their advice. 
It is perhaps not generally known that he was opposed 
by them. As he walked about in the greatest anxiety, 
urging them to come to his opinion, he overheard some 
of them saying, " he means to weaken the army." The 
emotions of the veteran were always 'violent at the re- 
collection of this charge. At the instant when he heard 
the remark, he found that he had bitten a pipe, which 
he had been smoking, into several pieces, without being 
conscious of what he had done. Indignantly he ex- 
claimed, " Gentlemen, I shall take the responsibility upon 
myself; where is the brigadier that will take command 
of the relief? I shall beat up for volunteers to-morrow." 
The brave, the gallant, the ill fated Arnold started up 
with his characteristic quickness, and offered to take 
command of the expedition. In the morning the drum 
beat for volunteers, and two hundred hardy fellows 
capable of standing great fatigue, offered their services 
and were accepted. The result of his efforts is well 
known. To General Schuyler's promptness and fear- 
lessness, therefore, due credit should be given. 

Jjv ^ ^ ^ 

Another — in relation to the same siege may be in- 
teresting to the reader. 

A man by the name of Baxter, who resided in the 
vicinity of the fort, being a disaffected man, had been 
sent to Albany, to be watched by the committee of 
safety. Two sons of his remained behind, and were ex 
tremely industrious, taking every opportunity to keep 



Appendix. 273 

their farm in order, notwithstanding its being in the 
vicinity of the hostile parties. They were so success- 
ful, and so little disturbed by the British, that the Ameri- 
cans began to suspect that they were on too good terms 
with the enemy. Their father's character kept up the 
suspicion. One day, as it subsequently appeared, one of 
the sons, who was working; with a wheel plough, in cut- 
ting his furrows, would every few minutes approach a 
fence which was between him and the enemy. After 
several turns, as he was making his last cut across the 
field, he felt his hands suddenly grasped with violence. 
Impelled by a natural desire to escape, he jumped for- 
ward, and seizing his plough cleaver, he turned on his 
antagonist, who was an Indian, and felled him to the 
ground. But a second approached, and with equal dex- 
terity and nerve he dealt a second blow, which levelled 
the savage. Both were stunned, their heads being too 
obvious to escape the terrible blow of the plough cleaver. 
As they lay on the ground, he alternately struck them 
over their heads with all his might, and then setting his 
horses clear from the plough, he came to the fort and 
told them what h^d happened. His tale was not believed, 
and when he offered to lead them to the spot, they sus- 
pected further treachery. They detained him to abide 
the event, and sent out a detachment to ascertain how 
the fact was ; and these found two savages lying dead 
at the place he mentioned. This brave feat procured 
the release of the father, and indeed rescued the whole 
family from the imputation of toryism forever. 

Another — respecting Abraham D. Quackenboss, as 

24 



274 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

being connected with the battle of Oiiskany, nnay also 
be interesting. 

Abraham D. Quackenboss, resided in the Mohawk 
country on the south side of the river, at the breaking 
out of the war. Living as it were among the Indians, 
he spoke their language as well as he did his own. 
Among them he had a friend, named Bronkahorse — 
who, though an Indian, had been his playmate, and they 
had served in the French war together under Sir William 
Johnson. When the revolutionary troubles came on, 
Bronkahorse called upon Quackenboss, and endeavored 
to persuade him to espouse the cause of the king — assur- 
ing him that their Great Father could never be con- 
quered. Quackenboss refused, and they parted. The 
Indian, however, assuring him that they parted as friends, 
although, since they had fought in one war together he 
had hoped they might do so in the other. Mr. Quack- 
enboss saw no more of his friend until the battle of 
Oriskany. During the thickest of the fight he heard his 
name called in the well known voice of Bronkahorse, 
from behind a large tree near by. He was himself shel- 
tered by a tree ; but in looking out for the warriors he 
saw his Indian friend. The latter now importuned 
Quackenboss to surrender, assuring him of kind treat- 
ment and protection, but also assuring him unless he 
did so, he would inevitably be killed. Quackenboss 
refused, and the Indian thereupon attempted to kill him. 
For a moment they watched each other endeavoring to 
obtain the first and best chance of a shot. The Indian 
at length fired, and his ball struck the tree, but had 



Appendix. 27 5 

nearly been fatal. Springing from his covert upon the 
Indian, Ouackenboss fired, and his friend Bronkahorse 
fell dead on the spot. It was the belief of Mr. Quack- 
enb-^ss that the loss of the enemy during that battle 
equalled that of Herkimer's command. The latter suf- 
fered the most severely in the early part of the engage- 
ment — the enemy in the latter part. 

No. II. 
Force employed under Lieutenant General Bur- 

goyne in the campaign of 1 777. 

The army which took the field in July, 1777, con- 
sisted of seven battalions of British infantry ; viz. : 9th, 
20th, 2ist, 24th, 47th, 53d, and 62d regiments, of each 
of which (as also of three regiments left in Canada) the 
flank companies were detached to form a corps of grena- 
diers and light infantry, under Majors Ackland and the 
Earl of Balcarras. The German troops consisted of a 
few Hessian rifles (the regiment of Hesse-Hanau), a 
corps of dismounted dragoons, and a mixed force of 
Brunswickers. The artillery was composed of 5 1 1 rank 
and file, including 100 Germans, with a large number of 
guns, the greater part of which, however, were employed 
only on the lakes. The ordnance which accompanied 
the force on their line of march, consisted of thirty-eight 
pieces of light artillery attached to columns, and a pair 
of six twenty-four pounders, six twelve pounders, and 
four howitzers. 

The royal army was divided into three brigades under 



276 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

Major General Phillips/ of the royal artillery, and 
Brigadier Generals Fraser and Hamilton. The German 
troops were distributed among the three brigades, with 
one corps of reserve under Colonel (Brigadier General) 
Breymann, and were immediately commanded by Major 
General Riedesel, Colonel Kingston, and Captain Money 
acted as adjutant and quarter-master general, and Sir 
James Clerke (killed at Saratoga in the action of Oct. 
7th), and Lord Petersham (afterward Earl of Harrington), 
were aides-de-camp to General Burgoyne. 
The total force was — rank and file : 

British, 4,^35 

German, 3?^i6 

Canadian militia, 148 

Indians, 503 

Total, 7"»902 

Of these numbers General Burgoyne was obliged to 
detach nearly 1,000 men to garrison Ticonderoga before 
he' crossed the Hudson. — Fonhlanques Burgoyne. 



' The employment of artillery officers in command of infantry brigades 
was at that time contrary to regulation, and General Burgoyne, in a letter 
to General Hervey of 1 1 July, '77, excuses himself for having made this 
arrangement by the statement that " the service must suffer in the most 
material degree if the talents of General Phillips were not suffered to extend 
beyond the artillery j and I hold myself fully justified in continuing this 
great use." 



Appendix, 277 

Remarks on the Employment of German Troops 
BY THE English Government. 
A great deal has been written in condemnation of the 
Enghsh government employing Germans in the war for 
the subjugation of her revolted American colonies. But 
does any soldier work for pure patriotism and not for 
hire ? Besides, at that time, the German soldier belonged 
body and soul to him to whom he had sold himself: he 
had no country ; he was severed from every tie — in fact, 
he was, in every sense of the word, the property of his 
military lord, who could do with him as he saw fit. 
Again, it may well be asked, wherein did this action of 
the British government differ from that of the United 
States, employing in our late civil war recruiting agents 
in the different German ports for the express purpose of 
filling up her depleted armies, and also purchasing sub- 
stitutes in Canada. 

No. III. 

Instructions for Lieutenant Colonel Baum, on a 
Secret Expedition to the Connecticut River. 

[ The erasures were made by Amendments made by General 
General Burgoyne^~\ Burgoyne. 

The object of your ex- 
pedition is to try the affec- 
tions of the country, to 



^ The erasures are printed in italics, and the amendments in the opposite 
column. 



278 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

disconcert the councils of 

the enemy, to mount the 

Riedesel's dragoons, to 

complete Peters's coips, 

and to obtain large supplies 

of cattle, horses and car- « 

riages. 

The several corps, of 
which the inclosed is a list, 
are to be under your com- 
mand. 

The troops must take no 
tents, and what little bag- 
gage is carried by officers 
must be on their own bat 
horses. 

You are to proceed by 
the route from Batten kil 
to Arlington, and take post 
there, so as to secure the pass 
from Manchester, Tou are 
to remain at Arlington till 
the detachment of the Pro- 
vincials, under the com- 
mand of Captain Sherwood, 
shall join you from the 
southward. 

You are then to proceed 
to Manchester, where you 
take post so as to secure the 



Appendix, 



279 



pass of the mountains on 
the road from Manchester 
to Rockingham ; hence you 
will detach the Indians and 
light troops to the north- 
ward, toward Otter creek. 
On their return, and also 
receiving intelligence that 
no enemy is in force in the 
neighborhood of Rockingham^ 
(i) you will proceed by the 
road over the mountains to 
Rockingham, where you 
will take post. This will 
be the most distant part on 
the expedition. (2) 

You are to remain there 
as long as necessary to fulfill 
the intention of the expedition 
from thence^ (3) and you are 
afterwards to descend hy 
the Connecticut river to Brat- 
tlebury, and from that place, 
by the quickest march, you 
are to return by the great 
road to Albany. 

During your whole pro- 
gress, your detachments 
are to have orders to bring 
in to vou all horses fit to 



(i) upon the Connec- 
ticut river. 



(2) And must be pro- 
ceeded upon with caution, 
as you will have the defile 
of the mountains behind 
you, which might make a 
retreat difficult ; you must 
therefore endeavor to be 
well icformed of the force 
of the enemy's militia in 
the neighboring country. 

Should you find it may 
with prudence be eff^ected. 

(3) while the Indians and 
light troops are detached 
up the river. 



28o Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 



mount the dragoons under 
your command, or to serve 
as bat horses to the troops, 
they are likewise to bring in 
(4) saddles and bridles as 
can be found. (5) 

Your parties are likewise 
to bring in wagons and 
other convenient carriages, 
with as many draft oxen as 
will be necessary to draw 
them, and all cattle fit for 
slaughter (milch cows ex- 
cepted), which are to be 
left for the use of the in- 
habitants. Regular receipcs, 
in the form hereto sub- 
joined, are to be given, in 
all places where any of the 
above mentioned articles 
are taken, to such persons 
as have remained in their 
habitations, and otherwise 
complied with the terms of 
General Buryoyne's mani- 
festo -, but no receipts to 
be given to such as are 
known to be acting in the 
service of the rebels. (6) 



(4) together with as many. 

(5) The number of horses 
requisite, besides those ne- 
cessary for mounting the 
regiments of dragoons, 
ought to be 1300. If you 
can bring more for the use 
of the army, it will be so 
much the better. 



(6) As you will have with 
you persons perfectly ac- 



Appendix. 281 

quainted with the abilities of 
the country, ifmay perhaps 
be advisable to tax the seve- 
ral districts, with the por- 
tions of the several articles, 
and limit the hours for their 
delivery ; and, should you 
find it necessary to move 
before such delivery can be 
made, hostages of the most 
respectable people should 
be taken, to secure their 
following you the ensuing 
day. All possible means 
are to be used to prevent 
plundering. 

As it is probable that 
Captain Sherwood, who is 
already detached to the 
southward and will join you 
at Arlington, will drive in 
a considerable quantity of 
cattle and horses to you, 
you will therefore send in 
this cattle to the army, with 
a proper detachment from 
Peters's corps to cover them, 
in order to disincumber 
yourself-, but you must al- 
ways keep the regiments of 
dragoons compact. 



282 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

The dragoons themselves 
must ride, and take care of 
the horses of the regiment. 
Those horses which are de- 
stined for the use of the army 
must be tied together by 
strings of ten each, in 
order that one man may 
lead ten horses. You will 
give the unarmed men of 
Peters's corps to conduc^ 
them, and inhabitants whom 
you can trust. You must 
always take your camps in 
good position ; but at the 
same time where there is 
pasture ; and you must have 
a chain of sentinels round 
your cattle and horses when 
grazing. 

Colonel Skeene will be 
with you as much as pos- 
sible, in order to assist you 
with his advice, to help you 
to distinguish the good sub- 
jects from the bad, to pro- 
cure you the best intelli- 
gence of the enemy, and to 
choose those people who 
are to bring me the accounts 



Appendix. 



283 



You will use all possible 
means to make the country 
believe that the troops under 
your command are the ad- 
vanced corps of the army, 
and that it is intended to 
pass the Connecticut on the 
road to Boston. You will 
likewise have it insinuated^ 



of your progress and suc- 
cess. 

When you find it neces- 
sary to halt for a day or 
two, you must always en- 
trench the camp of the 
regiment of dragoons, in 
order never to risk an at- 
tack or affront from the 
enemy. 

As you will return with 
the regiment of dragoons 
mounted, you must always 
have a detachment of Cap- 
tain Eraser's or Peters's 
corps in front of the col- 
umn, and the same in the 
rear, in order to prevent 
your falling into an ambus- 
cade when you march 
through the woods. 



284 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

(7) that the main army from (7) insinuate, 
Albany is to be joined at 
Springfield by a corps of 
troops from Rhode island. 

Tou will send off occa- 
sionally cattle or carriages^ to 
prevent being too much in- 
cumbered ; and will give me 
as frequent intelligence of 
your situation as possible. 

It is highly probable that 
the corps under Mr. War- 
ner, now supposed to be at 
Manchester, will retreat 
before you ; but, should 
they, contrary to expecta- 
tion, be able to collect in 
great force, and post them- 
selves advantageously, it is 
left to your discretion to 
attack them or not ; always 
bearing in mind, that your 
corps is too valuable to let 
any considerable loss be 
hazarded on this occasion. 

Should any corps be 
moved from Mr. Arnold's 
main army, in order to in- 
tercept your retreat, you 
are to take as strong a post 



Appendix. 285 

as the country will aftbrd, 
and send the quickest in- 
telligence to me J and you 
may depend on my making 
such a movement as shall 
put the enemy between two 
fires, or otherwise effect- 
ually sustain you. 

It is imagined the pro- 
gress of the whole of this 
expedition may be effected 
in about a fortnight ; but 
every movement of it must 
depend upon your success 
in obtaining such supply of 
provisions as will enable 
you to subsist till your re- 
turn to the army, in case 
you can get no more. (8) (8) And, should not the 

All persons acting in army be able to reach 
committees, or any officers Albany before your expe- 
acting under the directions dition should be completed, 
of congress, either civil or I will find means to send you 
military, are to be made notice of it, and give your 
prisoners. route another direction. 



25 



286 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 



Narrative of a Participitator in the Battle of 
Bennington. 

Brooklyn, September 27, 1866. 
Wm. L. Stone, Esq^, 

My Dear Sir : The following narrative was com- 
municated to me in 1828, by Mr. StafFord of Albany, 
the son of an American captain, who was in the battle 
ot Bennington. I send you herewith my original notes 
of the conversation, taken down at the time from the 
lips of the narrator, which you may cheerfully make use 
of (if you so desire), in your forthcoming translation. 

Respectfully yours, 
Theodore Dwight. 

" My father lived in the western part of Massachusetts, 
and when Colonel Warner called upon the militia to 
come out and defend the public stores at Bennington, he 
set off at once with many of his neighbors, and hurried 
his march. He was well known to his townsmen ; and 
so much esteemed, that the best men were ready to go 
with him ; many of them pious people, long members 
of the church, and among them young and old, and of 
different conditions. 

" When they reached the ground, thev found the Hes- 
sians posted in a line ; and on a spot of high ground, a 
small redoubt was seen formed of earth just thrown up, 
where they understood a body of loyalists or Provincial 
troops, that is, tories, was stationed. Colonel Warner 
hac command under General Stark ; and it is generally 



Appendix. 287 

thought that he had more to do than his superior in the 
business of the dav. He was held ia high regard by the 
Massachusetts people j and my father soon reported him- 
self to him, nnd told him he awaited his orders. He was 
soon assigned a place in the line, and the tory fort was 
pointed out as his particular object of attack. 

"When making arrangements to march out his men, 
my father turned to a tall, athletic man, one of the most 
vigorous of the band, and remarkable for size and strength 
among his neighbors. ^ I am glad,' said he, ' to see 
you among us. You did not march with the company ; 
but, I suppose, you are anxious for the business of the 
day to begin.' This was said in the hearing of the rest, 
and attracted their attention My father was surprised 
and mortified, on observing the man's face turn pale, and 
his limbs tremble. With a faltering voice, he replied : 
' Oh no, sir, I didn't come to fight, I only came to drive 
back the horses !' ^ I am glad,' said my father, ' to 
find out we have a coward among us, before we go into 
battle. Stand back, and do not show yourself here any 
longer.' 

*' This occurrence gave my father great regret, and he 
repented having spoken to the man in the presence of 
his company. The country you know, was at that time 
in a very critical state. General Burgoyne had come 
down from Canada with an army, which had driven all 
the American troops before it ; Crown point and Ticon- 
deroga, the fortresses of Lake Champlain, in which the 
northern people placed such confidence, had been deserted 
at his approach ; and the army had disgraced itself by a 



288 Campaign of General John Burgoyne, 

panic retreat, without fighting a battle, while Burgoyne 
was publishing bosfstful and threatening proclamations, 
whicii frightened many, and induced some to declare for 
the king. Just at such a time, when so many bad exam- 
ples were set, and there were so many dangers to drive 
others to follow, it was a sad thing to see a hale, hearty, 
tall man shake and tremble in the presence of the enemy, 
as we were just going to fight them. However, an oc- 
currence happened, fortunately, to take place immediately 
after, which made amends. There was an aged and ex- 
cellent old man present, of a slender frame, stooping a 
little with advanced age and hard work, with a wrinkled 
face, and well known as one of the oldest persons in our 
town, and the oldest on the ground. My father was 
struck with regard for his aged frame, and much as he 
felt numbers to be desirable in the impending struggle, 
he felt a great reluctance at the thought of leading him 
into it. He therefore turned to him, and said: 'The 
labors of the day threaten to be severe, it is therefore 
my particular request, that you will take your post as 
sentinel yonder, and keep charge of the baggage.' The 
old man stepped forward with an unexpected spring, his 
face was lighted with a smile, and pulling off his hat, in 
the excitement of his spirit, half affecting the gayety of 
a youth, whilst his loose hair shone as white as silver, 
he briskly replied : ' Not till I've had a shot at them 
first, captain, if you please.' All thoughts were now 
directed towards the enemy's line ; and the company, 
partaking m the enthusiasm of tiie old man, gave three 
cheers. My father was set at ease again in a moment ; 



Appendix. 2 8 



and orders being soon brought to advance, he placed 
himself at their head, and gave the word : ' Forward, 
march !' 

" He had observed some irregularity in the ground before 
them, which he had thought might favor his approach ; 
and he soon discovered that a small ravine, which they 
soon entered, would cover his determined little band 
from the shot of the enemy, and even from their ob- 
servation, at least for some distance. He pursued its 
course ; but was so far disappointed in his expectations, 
that, instead of terminating at a distance from the enemy's 
line, on emerging from it, and looking about to see 
where he was, he found the fresh embankment of the 
tory fort just above him, and the heads of the tories 
peeping over, with their guns leveled at him. Turning 
to call on his men, he was surprised to find himself flat 
on the ground without knowing why ; for the enemy 
had fired, and a ball had gone through his foot into the 
ground, cutting some of the sinews just as he was step- 
ping on it, so as to bring him down. At the same time, 
the shock had deafened him to the report of the muskets. 

The foremost of his soldiers ran up and stooped to 
take him in their arms, believing him to be dead or 
mortally wounded ; but he was too quick for them, and 
sprang on his feet, glad to find he was not seriously 
hurt, and was able to stand. He feared that his fall 
might check his followers ; and, as he caught a glimpse 
of a man in a red coat running across a distant field, he 
cried out, ' Come on, my boys ! They run ! They 
run ! ' So saying, he sprang up, and clambering to the 



290 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

top of the fort, while the enemy were hurrying their 
powder into the pans and the muzzles of their pieces, 
his men rushed on shouting and firing, and jumping over 
the breastworks, and pushing upon the defenders so 
closely, that they threw themselves over the opposite 
wall, and ran down the hill as fast as their legs would 
carry them. 

'' Those raw soldiers, as most of them were, were ready 
to laugh at themselves, when they turned round and saw 
themselves, their new position, masters of a little fort 
which their enemies had been hard at work to construct, 
they knew not how long ; but out of which they had so 
easily been set a scampering, merely because they had 
shown some resolution and haste in assaulting it. 

••'The result of the day's battle is w^ell known. The 
Hessians and other troops with them, suffered a total 
defeat ; and not only were the stores at Bennington pro- 
tected and saved, and the army of Burgoyne weakened 
by the loss of a considerable body of troops, but the 
spirits of the people greatly encouraged, and the hope 
of final success revived. From that time there was less 
difficulty found in collecting troops ; and the recruiting 
of our army at Bemis's heights, or Saratoga, as it is otten 
called, was more easily effected. 

" It so happened that many years after the close of the 
war, and when I heard my father tell this story many 
times over, I became acquainted with an old townsman 
of his, who was a loyalist, and took an active part as a 
soldier in the service of King George ; and he told me 
a story of the battle of l^ennington which I think you 
would like to hear. 



Appendix. 291 

Story told by one who was in the Tory Fort. 
" I lived not far from the western borders of Massa- 
chusetts when the war began, and knew your father very 
well. Believing that I owed duty to my king, I became 
known as a loyalist, or, as they called me, a tory ; and 
soon found my situation rather unpleasant. I therefore 
left home, and soon got among the British troops who 
were come down with Burgoyne, to restore the country 
to peace, as I thought. When the Hessians were sent 
to take the military stores at Bennington, I went with 
them ; and took my station with some of the other 
loyalists in a redoubt or small fort in the line. We were 
all ready when wq saw the rebels coming to attack us ; 
and were on such a hill and behind such a high bank, 
that we felt perfectly safe, and thought we could kill any 
body of troops they would send against us, before they 
could reach the place we stood upon. We had not ex- 
pected, however, that they would approach us under 
cover ; but supposed we should see them on the way. 
We did not know that a little gully which lay below us, 
was long and deep enough to conceal them, but they 
knew the ground, and the first we saw of the party 
coming to attack us, they made their appearance right 
under our guns. Your father was at the head of them. 
I was standing at the wall at the time, with my gun 
loaded in my hand ; and several of us leveled our pieces 
at once. I took as fair aim at them a§ I ever did at a 
bird in my life, and thought I was sure of them ; though 
we had to point so much downwards, that it made a man 
but a small mark. We fired together, and he fell. I 



292 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

thought he was dead to a certainty ; but to our surprise 
he was on his feet again in an instant, and they all came 
jumping into the midst of us, with such a noise, that we 
thought of nothing but getting out of the way of their 
muskets as fast as possible. I saw all my companions 
were going over the wall on the other side, and I went 
too. We had open fields before us, and scattered in all 
directions, some followed by our enemies. I ran some 
distance with another man, and looking around saw 
several of your father's soldiers who were coming after 
us, level their muskets to fire. We had just reached a 
rail fence, and both of us gave a jump at the same instant 
to go over it. While I was in the air I heard the guns 
go off. We reached the ground together, but mv com- 
panion fell and lay dead by the fence, while I ran on 
. with all my might, finding I was not hurt. 

"I looked back, hoping to see no one following, but I 
was frightened on discovering a tall rawboned fellow, 
running like a deer, only a short distance behind, and 
gaining on me every step he took. I immediately re- 
flected that my gun was only a useless burden, for it 
was discharged, and had no bayonet ; and although a 
valuable one, I thought my only chance of saving my 
life, lay in lightening myself as much as possible. I 
therefore gave my gun a throw off to one side, so that 
if my pursuer should choose to pick it up he should lose 
some distance by it ; and then without slackening my 
speed, I turned my head to see how he took the maneu- 
ver ; and found he had not only taken advantage of my 
hint, and thrown away his own gun, but was also just 



Appendix, 293 

kicking off his shoes. I tried to throw off my own in 
the same way, but they were fastened on with a pair of 
old fashioned buckles. I strained myself to the utmost 
to reach a wood which lay a little way before me, with 
the desperate hope of finding some wav of losing myself 
in it. I ventured one look more ; and was frightened 
almost out of my senses at finding the bare-legged fellow, 
almost upon me, and ready to gripe, and perhaps strangle 
me by main force. I did not like to stop and give myself 
up as a prisoner ; for I supposed he must be in a terrible 
passion, or he would not have taken such extraordinary 
pains to overtake me ; and even if he should spare my 
life and do me no injury, in that solitary spot, I did not 
know what to expect from the rebels, as we called them. 
So I ran on, though but an instant more ; for I had 
hardly turned my head again before I found the appear- 
ance of a wood which I had seen was only the tops of 
some trees growing on the borders of Walloomsac creek, 
which ran at the foot of a frightful precipice, the edge of 
which I had reached. I felt as if it were almost certain 
death to go farther ; but I had such a dread of my pur- 
suer, that I set but lightly by my danger, and instead of 
stopping on the brink, I ran right off, without waiting 
even to see where I was going. 

" I fell like a stone, and the next instant struck on my 
feet in soft mud, -with a loud, spatting noise, which I 
heard repeated close by me. Spat ! spat ! for down 
came the fierce fellow after me, and struck close by me 
in the wet clay, by the edge of the water. I looked at 
him with perfect dismay ; for what could I do then ? I 



294 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

had sunk Into the mud up to my knees, and was entirely 
unarmed. It was some relief to see, that he had no 
pistol to shoot me, and was not quite near enough to 
reach me. He, however, was beginning to struggle to 
get his legs out, and I expected to see him free and 
springing upon me in a moment more. I struggled too, 
but found it was no easy work to extricate myself, and 
began to think, that it would probably be as bad for him. 
This encouraged me to try with all my might ; and I 
thought I found my neighbor was much slower in getting 
out than I had feared. Indeed I could not perceive, for 
some time, that either of us made any advances, although 
we had wasted almost all our remaining strength. I 
now remarked, that my enemy was standing much 
deeper in the mud than myself. Oh, thought I, the 
fellow was barefooted ; that is the reason : the soles of 
my shoes had prevented me from sinking quite so deep ; 
there is a good chance of my getting out before him. 
Still neither of us spoke a word. So I struggled again 
most violently ; but the straps of my shoes were bound 
tight across my ancles, and held them to my feet, while 
I felt that I had not strength enough to draw them out. 
This made me desperate ; and I made another effort, 
when the straps gave way, and I easily drew out one 
bare foot, and placed it on the top of the ground. With 
the greatest satisfaction I found the other slipping 
smoothly up through the clay ; and, without waiting to 
regret my shoe buckles (which were of solid silver), or 
to exchange a blow or a word with my enemy, whom I 
was still dreadfully afraid of, I ran down the shore of the 
brook, as fast as my legs could carry me. 



Appendix. 295 

"A man who has never been frightened as I was, with 
the expectation of instant death, cannot easily imagine 
how far he will run, or how much he can do, to get out 
of danger. I thought for some time, that my long- 
legged enemy was coming, and ran on, afraid almost to 
look behind me. But he did not come ; and I never 
saw or heard of him again. How he could have got 
out, I cannot imagine ; and there seemed to be no chance 
of his finding help very soon, so that I think he must 
have spent the night in that uncomfortable condition, 
and may have stayed, for aught I know, till he starved 
to death. 

" However, my fears were not dispelled ; for I knew 
our whole detachment had been entirely routed ; Ger- 
mans, Englishmen, tories, and all \ and, as I thought 
there would be a pursuit by our conquerors, I expected 
every moment to meet some of them, with arms in their 
hands. Indeed, at any moment I might be discovered 
by some of them, and fired upon before I could see them ; 
so I chose the most secret paths and courses I could 
find, keeping among the thickest trees and bushes, and 
avoiding every house and sign of inhabitants, under a 
constant fear of being dead or a prisoner the next moment. 
Who can tell what I suffered in that one day ? I had 
been delivered from the imminent danger of musket 
balls, bayonets, the close pursuit of a rancorous enemy, 
a leap from a precipice and a long and most fatiguing run 
through a wild and unknown region, traversed, as I pre- 
sumed, by many men thirsting for my blood. Night 
was now approaching, and I felt almost faint with the 



296 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

want of food as well as weariness. But I soon reached 
a region which I began to recognize as one I had before 
seen ; and, knowing that the house of my brother-in-law 
was not far distant, I determined to visit it, and get such 
food and clothes as I now greatly needed. On second 
thoughts I concluded that I might be in danger even 
there. There might be a party of my enemies in the 
neighborhood, if not in possession of the house ; for in 
such times, in a region overrun by war, one party often 
occupies a position one day or one hour which they 
give up to their enemies the next. I therefore deter- 
mined to proceed with great caution ; and, although I 
soon came in sight of the house, and was suffering greatly 
from the want of rest and refreshment, I concealed my- 
self, and watched the neighborhood as long as I could 
see, and then, after remaining quiet till late in the night, 
stole out softly, and walked round the house, listening 
carefully, and scrutinizing everything, to discover traces 
of any change unfavorable to my wishes. 

" Finding no signs of danger, I at length mustered up 
courage and entered the house, where I found the family 
had not all retired to rest ; and was very glad to see my 
sister coming towards me with an air of unconcern, 
which showed the household had not been disturbed. 
When she approached me, however, she addressed me as 
a stranger ; and then, for the first time, I began to think 
of my appearance. There had been powder enough 
burnt in the fort to blacken my face as dark as an In- 
dian's and the perspiration which had started, out during 
my races had washed it partly off in streaks, so that the 



Appendix. ' i<^'-j 

expression of my countenance was strangely altered. 
At the same time I was without a coat, and my few re- 
maining garments we: e torn by thorns and spattered with 
mud. 

" I was treated with the utmost kindness by my sister 
as soon as she recognized me , and, after eating a good 
meal, and taking a long night's rest, I felt quite well and 
strong. She kept me as long as I was willing to stay ; 
but I did not feel safe out of the army, which then 
seemed sure of soon reaching Albany and finishing the 
war. I soon set off on foot, reaching Burgoyne's lines, 
and was placed in the tory fort on the eastern brow of 
Bemis's heights. There I thought myself safe once 
more. The abatis, formed of rough trees, with their 
branches on, which had been laid on the sides of the 
fort, appeared absolutely impassable by any body of the 
enemy. But in this I was disappointed ; for, when the 
battle came on, the Yankees' rushed upon our fortifica- 
tion with impetuosity, and in such numbers that they 
soon covered the ground and trees, that they were as 
thick as the hair on a dog. Again I was glad to save 
myself by a rapid retreat." 



26 



298 Campaign of General John Burgoyne, 

Description of St. Luke's Bridge, and of the at- 
tempt TO BURN it on THE APPROACH OF BaUM. 

"12 Clinton Place, New York, 
2^th July^ 1877. 
'' Wm. L. Stone, 

" My Dear Sir : Since my last visit to your house, when 
an interesting conversation was had upon the subject of 
Bennington battle^ I have looked more fully into the ac- 
count of the same, as contained in your " Memoirs etc., 
of Maj. Gen. Reidesel." My long residence in the 
vicinity of that now famous battle-field, and my personal 
acquaintance with many of the men engaged in the 
fight, gives me especial interest in the story as told in 
your book. 

" On page 121, 1 find an allusion to the ' bridge of St. 
Luke.' This bridge is a very familiar object to me. I 
used to go to mill there when I was a boy. In '77 it's 
name may have been St. Luke's; but in 18 15 it's 
name was Van Schaick, from the little Dutch village on 
the margin of Hoosick river, a short distance below the 
bridge. It spanned the stream then called Little White 
creek, a few rods above its debouch into Walloomsac 
(or Bennington) river. The three streams — White 
creek, Walloomsac and Hoosick — unite near this bridge. 
The road passing over the bridge, was the great market 
road^ leading to the North river, Albany, Halfmoon, etc 
A branch road led off in a northwesterly direction to 
Cambridge, Batten kil, Fort Edward, etc. 

" At the point where the bridge spans the creek, there 



Appendix. 299 

is a deep^ narroiv raxine, extending for a considerable 
distance both above and below the bridge. Hence the 
bridge was important, indeed it was indispensable to 
Baum's marching army. It was a wooden bridge, covered 
with loose plank, not very long but very high. 

" A little skirmishingadventure occurred at this bridge, 
the circumstances of which were as follows : 

" On the 15th of August, '77, the day previous to 
Bennington battle, a small scouting party from the 
American camp, or to speak more truly, a party of vol- 
unteer scouts from the country near Bennington, were 
exploring the country along the road towards Cambridge. 
They were met and driven back by Col. Baum's ad- 
vancing troops. Some of the party were taken prisoners. 
But most of them escaped. Being on foot and well ac- 
quainted with the country, they took to the fields and 
made a safe retreat to Bennington, ready for the battle 
next day. On their way home they were obliged to 
pass over St. Luke's (Van Schaick's) bridge, crossing 
the stream — Little White creek, near its termination in 
the Walloomsac river. 

" As our Yankee boys were crossing the bridge, they 
wished they could destroy it to embarrass the invading 
foe ; but they did not dare stop to do it because British 
guns were close to their heels, and they hurried forward. 
At this critical juncture, one man more heroic than the 
rest, Eleazur Edgerton, declared that the bridge ought to 
be destroyed, and he would go back and burn it, if any 
one would join him. Two of his associates volunteered. 
Those three returned, threw the plank off into the chasm 



300 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

below and set fire to the timbers. Whilst they were 
doing this heroic work, British balls were whizzing about 
their ears ; but all three safely escaped, and soon rejoined 
their more discreet companions. I have ever esteemed 
this daring feat as one of the heroic acts of those trying 
times. 

"The inspiring leader of this patriotic trio, Eleazur 
Edgerton, resided in the town of Bennington, where he 
spent bis after life. He was a man quite above the medium 
size, very strong and athletic, devoting his energies to 
peaceful and useful pursuits. He was a farmer and a 
carpenter. He had peculiar characteristics that gave him 
a distinguished local reputation among his neighbors. 
As a carpenter he was noted for the mechanical strength 
of his work. His neighbors used to call him the strong 
builder^ and that the Green mountain winds had a hard 
job to blow dov^n one of Uncle Lezur's barns. 

'' He always went bare-headed and bare-handed sum- 
mer and winter. This gave him a very rough appear- 
ance. They used to say his face was all made out doors. 

" Notwithstanding this rough exterior, he was a man of 
very gentle nature, much beloved by children. He was 
the king of children in his neighborhood. He often 
visited them at their homes, carrying his pockets full of 
apples and other little presents. But the special favor 
that the children liked the best, and which they waited 
for with the most anxiety, was his pocket full of sticks 
and straws for them to play jack straws. 

" Yours very truly, 

" J. W. Richards." 



Appendix. 301 

Mr. E. W. B. Canning of Stockbiidge, Mass., writes 
to the author concerning the alarm through the county 
as follows : 

" When I became a citizen of the town in 1850, there 
were a few persons still living who remem.bered the 
memorable occasion of the alarm that pervaded Berkshire 
at the time of the descent of the British on Bennington ; 
and I desire more particularly to refer to it here in order 
to correct a version of the story by some who have 
wrongly connected it with the battle of Lexington. 

"Early one Sunday morning in August, '77, our village 
was startled by the sound of three musket shots fired in 
succession. On looking out, there were seen Esq. 
Woodbridge — then living in the present residence of 
Mr. Samuel Lawrence — Dea. Nash, his next neighbor, 
and Dea. Edwards, on the street corner near the latter's 
house — now Mrs. O wens's — each with a musket in his 
hand. S© strictly was the day kept at that time, that 
the sight of these men so situated provoked as much 
astonishment as would now the discovery of a quartette 
of our reverend clergy prefacing divine service by a game 
of euchre over the pulpit cushion. Something unusual 
and very important must be in the wind, or these fathers 
of the town and church had gone daft. Matters were 
soon explained to the fast gathering citizens, for a courier 
had just brought news that the British were marching on 
Bennington, and that every able-bodied man was needed 
to repel the invasion. Anon, forth came the yeoman 
soldiery, equipped as well as haste and alarm permitted, 
and took their way northward to the scene of danger. 



302 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

With this body went Dr. Oliver Partridge, whom many 
of us remember, and who told me he dressed the mortal 
wound of Col. Baum, who commanded the enemy in 
that battle. The courier, having notified the above 
named gentlemen, pushed on down the county to rouse 
the lower towns. He arrived in New Marlboro just as 
the minister had announced the text of his morning ser- 
mon. The commander of the minute-men being sum- 
moned from his pew and told the news, forthwith strode 
up the broad aisle and, addressing the clergyman, ex- 
claimed : ' Mr. Turner, the British are at Bennington, 
and I forbid Sabby-day ! Minute men, turn out and 
follow me !' The militia of the northern portion of the 
county alone arrived in time to share in the glory of the 
victory, the courier having been despatched by Gen. 
Stark on the day before the battle, which had aLeady 
been fought and won when our volunteers came to aid 
in gathering the spoils." 



No. IV. 
The Jane McCrea Tragedy. 
Probably no event, either in ancient or modern war- 
fare, has received so many versions as the killing of 
Miss Jane McCrea, during the revolutionary war. It 
has been commemorated in story and in song, and nar- 
rated in grave histories, in as many different ways as 
there have been writers upon the subject. As an inci- 
dent merely, of the Revolution, accuracy in its relation 
is not, perhaps, of much moment. When measured. 



appendix. 303 

however, by its results, it at once assumes an importance 
which justifies such an investigation as shall bring out 
the truth. 

The slaying of Miss McCrea was, to the people of 
New York, what the battle of Lexington was to the 
New England colonies. In each case, the effect was to 
consolidate the inhabitants more firmly against the in- 
vader. The blood of the unfortunate girl was not shed 
in vain. From every drop, hundreds of armed yeomen 
arose ; and, as has been justly said, her name was passed 
as a note of alarm along the banks of the Hudson, and 
as a rallying cry among the Green mountains of Ver- 
mont brought down her hardy s'Sns. It thus contributed 
to Burgoyne's defeat, which became a precursor and 
principal cause of American independence. 

The story, as told by Bancroft, Irving and others is, 
tliat as Jane IVlcCrea was on her way from Fort Edward 
to meet her lover. Lieutenant Jones, at the British camp, 
under the protection of the Indians, a quarrel arose be- 
tween the latter as to which should have the promised 
reward ; when one of them, to terminate the dispute, 
" sunk," as Mr. Bancroft says, " his tomahawk into 
the skull " of their unfortunate charge. The correct 
account, however, of the Jane McCrea Tragedy, ga- 
thered from the statement made by Mrs. McN:al to 
General Burgoyne on the 28th of July, 1777, in the 
marquee of her cousin, General Eraser, and corroborated 
by several people well acquainted with Jane McCrea, 
and by whom it was related to the late Judge Hay, of 
Saratoga Springs — a veracious and industrious his- 



304 Campaign of General John Burgoyne, 

torian — and taken down from their ]ips, is different 
from the version given by Mr. Bancroft. 

On the morning of the 27th of July, 1777, Miss 
McCrea and Mrs. McNeal were in the latter's house at 
Fort Edward, preparing to set out for Fort Miller for 
greater security, as rumors had been rife of Indians in 
the vicinity. Their action was the result of a message 
sent to them early in the morning by General Arnold, 
who had, at the same time, despatched to their assist- 
ance Lieutenant Palmer, with some twenty men, with 
orders to place their furniture and effects on board a 
bateau and row the family down to Fort Miller. 

Lieutenant Palmer, hiving been informed by Mrs. 
McNeal that nearly all her household goods had been 
put on board the bateau^ remarked that he, with the 
soldiers, was going up the hill as far as an old block- 
house, for the purpose of reconnoitering, but would not 
be long absent. The lieutenant and his party, however, 
not returning, Mrs. McNeal, and Jane McCrea con- 
cluded not to wait longer, but to ride on horseback to 
Col. McCrea's ferry, leaving the further lading of the 
boat in charge of a black servant. When the horses, 
however, were brought up to the door, it was found that 
one side-saddle was missing, and a boy^ was accordingly 
despatched to the house of a Mr. Gillis for the purpose 
of borrowing a side-saddle or a pillion. 



^ His name was Norman Morrison. It is not known what became of 
him, though tradition states, that being small and active, he escaped from 
the savages and reached his house in Hartford, Washington Co., N. Y. 



Appendix. 305 

While watching for the boy's return, Mrs. McNeal 
heard a discharge ot" fire arms/ and looking out of a 
window, saw one of Lieutenant Palmer's soldiers run- 
ning along the military road toward the fori, pursued by 
several Indians. The fugitive, seeing Mrs. McNeal, 
waved his hat as a signal of danger, and passed on ; 
which the Indians perceiving, left off the pursuit, and 
came toward the house. 

Seeing their intention, Mrs. McNeal, screamed j 
"get down cellar for your lives!" On this, Jane Mc- 
Crea and the black woman. Eve, with her infant, re- 
treated safely to the cellar, but Mrs. McNeal was 
caught on the stairs by the Indians, and dragged back by 
the hair of her head by a powerful savage, who was 
addressed by his companions, as the " Wyandot Pan- 
ther." A search in the cellar was then begun, and the 
result was the discovery of Jane McCrea, who was 
brought up from her concealment,^ the Wyandot ex- 
claiming upon seeing her. " My squaw, me find um 
agin — me keep um fast now, forebet, ugh ! " 

By this time the soldiers had arrived at the fort, the 
alarm drum was beaten, and a party of soldiers started 
in pursuit. Alarmed by the noise of the drum — which 



^ So fatal was this discharge, that out of Lieutenant Palmei's party of 
twenty men, only eight remained, Palmer himself being killed on the spot. 

2 Judge Hay was informed by Adam, after he became a man, that his 
mother, Eve, had often described to him how she continued to conceal him 
and herself in an ash-bin beneath a fire-place j he luckily not awaking to 
cry while the search was going on around them in the cellar. This was 
also confirmed by the late Mrs. Judge Cowen. 



3o6 Campaign of General John Burgoyne, 

they, in common with Mrs. McNeal and Jenny, 
heard — the Indians, after a hurried consultation, hastily 
lifted the two women upon the horses which had been 
waiting at the door to carry them to Colonel Mc- 
Crea's ferry, and started off upon a run. Mrs McNeal, 
however, having been placed upon the horse on which 
there was no saddle, slipped off and was thereupon car- 
ried in the arms of a stalwart savage. 

At this point, Mrs. McNeal lost sight of her com- 
panion, who, to use the language of Mrs. McNeal, 
'' was there ahead of me, and appeared to be firmly 
seated on the saddle, and held the rein, while several In- 
dians seemed to guard her — the Wyandot still ascend- 
ing the hill and pulling along by bridle-bit the affrighted 
horse upon which poor Jenny rode." The Indians, 
however, when half way up the hill, were nearly over- 
taken by the soldiers, who, at this point, began firing by 
platoons. At every discharge the Indians would fall 
flat with Mrs. McNeal. By the time the top of the 
Fort Edward hill had been gained, not an Indian was 
harmed, and one of them remarked to Mrs. McNeal ; 
" wagh ! um no kill — um shoot too much high for hit." 
During the firing, two or three of the bullets of the pur- 
suing party hit Miss McCrea with a fatal effect, who, 
falling from her horse, had her scalp torn off by her 
guide, the Wyandot Panther, in revenge for the loss of 
the reward given by Burgoyne for any white prisoner — 
a reward considered equal to a barrel of rum. 

Mrs. McNeal, however, was carried to Griffith's 
house, and there kept by the Indians until the next day, 
when she was ransomed and . taken to the British camp. 



Appendix. 307 

" I never saw Jenny afterwards," says Mrs. McNeal, 
" nor anything that appertained to her person until my 
arrival in the British camp, when an aide-de-camp 
showed me a fresh scalp-lock which I could not mistake, 
because the hair was unusually fine, luxuriant, lustrous, 
and dark as the wing of a raven. Till that evidence of 
her death was exhibited, I hoped, almost against hope, 
that poor Jenny had been either rescued by our pursuers 
(in whose army her brother, Stephen McCrea, was a 
surgeon), or brought by our captors to some part, of the 
British encampment." 

While at Griffith's house, Mrs. McNeal endeavored 
to hire an Indian, named Captain Tommo, to go back 
and search for her companion, but neither he nor any of 
the Indians could be prevailed upon to venture even as 
far back as the brow of the Fort Edward hill to look 
down it for the " white squaw," as they called Jenny. 

The remains of Miss McCrea were gathered up by 
those who would have rescued her, and buried — together 
with those of Lieuten-ant Palmer — under the supervi- 
sion of Colonel Morgan Lewis (then deputy quarter- 
master general), on the bank of the creek, three miles 
south of Fort Edward, and two miles south of her brother 
John McCrea's farm, which was across the Hudson, and 
directly opposite the principal encampment of General 
Schuyler. 

The only statements which, while disproving Mr. Ban- 
croft's relation, seems to conflict with the above account 
of the manner of her death, is the one made by Dr. John 
Bartlett, a surgeon in the American army. This occurs 



joS Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

in his report to the director-general of the hospitals of 
the Northern department, dated at Moses creek at head- 
quarters, at ten o'clock of the night of July 27, 1777, 
and is as follows : 

'' I have this moment returned from Fort Edward, 
where a party of hell-hounds, in conjunction with their 
brethren, the British troops, fell upon an advanced guard, 
inhumanly butchered, scalped and stripped four of them, 
wounded two more, each in the thigh, and four more are 
missing. 

" Poor Miss Jenny McCrea, and the woman with 
whom she lived, were taken by the savages, led up the 
hill to where there was a body of British troops, and 
there the poor girl was shot to death in cold blood, scalped 
and left on the ground ; and the other woman not yet 
found. 

" The alarm came to camp at two p.m. I was at 
dinner. I immediately sent off to collect all the regular 
surgeons, in order to take some one or two of them along 
with me, but the devil a bit of one was to be found. * * 
* ''' There is neither amputating instrument, crooked 
needle, nor tourniquet in all the camp. I have a hand- 
ful of lint and two or three bandages, and that is all. 
What in the name of wonder I am to do in case of an 
attack, God only knows. Without assistance, without 
instruments, without anything ! " 

This statement, however, was made, as is apparent 
on its face, hurriedly, and under great excitement. A 
thousand rumors were flying in the air, and there had 
been no time in which to sift the kernels of truth from 



Appendix, 309 

the chaff. But, in addition to this, the story of tlie 
surgeon is flatly contradicted by testimony, both at the 
time of the occurrence and afterward. General Bur- 
goyne's famous " Bouquet order" of the 21st of May, 
and his efforts, by appealing to their fears and love of 
gain, to prevent any species of cruelty on the part of his 
savage allies — facts well known to his officers and 
men — render it simply impossible to believe the state- 
ment of Surgeon Bartlett, that a " body of British troops " 
stood calmly by and witnessed the murder of a defence- 
less maiden — and a maiden, too, between whom and 
one of their comrades-in-arms there was known to be a 
betrothment. Leaving, however, probabilities, we have 
the entirely different and detailed account of Jenny's 
companion, Mrs. McNeal, " the woman with whom 
she lived," and who, as " the woman not yet found," 
was endeavoring — while the surgeon was penning his 
account — to prevail upon the Indians to go back and 
search for Jenny's body, left behind in their hurried 
flight. 

The entire matter, however, seems to be placed be- 
yond all doubt, not only by the corroborative statement 
of the Wyandot Panther, when brought into the presence 
of Burgoyne — to the effect that it was not he, but the 
enemy, that had killed her — but by the statement of 
General Morgan Lewis, afterward governor of New 
York state. His account is thus given by the late Judge 
Hay in a letter to the writer : 

" Several years after Mrs. Teasse had departed this — 
to her — eventful life, I conversed (in the hearing of 
27 



3 1 o Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

Mr. David Banks, at his law-book store in New York) 
with Governor Lewis. Morgan Lewis then stated his 
distinct recollection that there were three gun-shot 
wounds upon Miss McCrea's corpse, which, on the day 
of her death, was, by direction of himself — and, in fact, 
under his own personal supervision — removed, together 
with a subaltern's remains, from a hill near Fort Edward 
to the Three Mile creek, where they were interred. 
The fact of the bullet wounds — of which I had not be- 
fore heard, but which was consistent with Mrs. Teasse's 
statement — was to me 'confirmation strong as proof 
from Holy writ,' that Jane McCrea had not been killed 
exclusively by Indians, who would have done that deed 
either with a tomahawk or scalping-knife, and would 
not, therefore, be likely (pardon the phrase in this con- 
nection) to have wasted their ammunition. In that 
opinion Governor Lewis, an experienced jurist — if not 
general — familiar with rules of evidence, concurred." 

This opinion of two eminent lawyers, as well as the 
statement of the Wyandot, receives, moreover, additional 
confirmation in the fact that when the remains of Jane 
McCrea, a few years since were disinterred and removed 
to the old Fort Edward burial ground, and consigned to 
Mrs. McNeal's grave. Dr. William S. Norton, a re- 
spectable and highly intelligent practitioner of physic and 
surgery, examined her skull, and found no marks what- 
ever of a cut or a gash.^ 



^ Miss McCrea's remains have recently again been removed, for the third 
time, to the new Union cemetery, situated half way between Fort 
Edward and Sandy Hill. A large slab of white marble has been placed 
over the spot by Miss McCrea's niece, Mrs. Sarah H. Payne. 



Appendix. 3 1 1 

This fact, alsc), strongly confirms the opinion expressed 
at the time by General Fraser/ at the post-mortem camp 
investigation, that Jane McCrea was accidentally, or 
rather unintentionally, killed by American troops pur- 
suing the Indians, and, as General Fraser said he had 
often witnessed, aiming too high, when the mark was on 
elevated ground, as had occurred at Bunker's (Breed's) 
hill. 

It thus appears, first, that Jane McCrea was accident- 
ally killed by the Americans, and, secondly, that the 
American loyalist, David Jones, did not send the Indians, 
much less the ferocious Wyandot Panther, whom he ab- 
horred and dreaded, on their errand. 

Indeed, the falsity of this latter statement (which, by 
the way. General Bargoyne never believed) is also sus- 
ceptible of proof. The well established fact that Jones 
had sent Robert Ayers (father-in-law of Mr. Ransom 
Cook, now residing at Saratoga Springs, N. Y.), with a 
letter to Miss Jane McCrea asking her to visit the British 
encampment and accompany its commander-in-chief, with 
his lady guests, on an excursion to Lake George, clearly 
shows how the charge against Jones had crept into a 
whig accusation concerning misconduct and meanness ; 
and the dialogue (also well authenticated) between two 
of her captors, in relation to the comparative value of a 
white squaw ^ estimated at a barrel of rum — and her 
scalp-lock, accounts perhaps, for the story of the pre- 
tended proffered reward (a barrel of rum), alleged to have 
caused the quarrel among the Indians which resulted in 



* Afterwards killed at the battle of Saratoga, Oct. 7th, 1777. 



3 1 2 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

the supposed catastrophe. All who had been acquainted 
with David Jones knew that he was incapable of such 
conduct, and so expressed themselves at the time. 

The rumor, also, which is slightly confirmed in Bur- 
goyne's letter to General Gates, that Miss McCrea was on 
her way to an appointed marriage ceremony, originated in 
Jones's admission that he had intended, on the arrival of his 
betrothed at Skenesborough (now Whitehall, N. Y.), to 
solicit her consent to their immediate nuptials — Chaplain 
Brudenell officiating. But Jones explicitly denied having 
intimated such a desire, in a letter to Miss McCrea or 
otherwise. " Such," he added, " was, without reference 
to my own sense of propriety, my dear Jenny's sensibility, 
that the indelicacy of this supposed proposal would, even 
under our peculiar circumstances, have thwarted it." 

Indeed, this question was often a topic of conversation 
between General Fraser and his cousin, Mrs. McNeal, 
who, with Miss Hunter (afterwards Mrs. Teasse), ac- 
companied him from Fort Edward to Saratoga, and on 
his death, in that battle, returned to Fort Edward, after 
witnessing the surrender of the British general. Jones 
frankly admitted to his friends that in consequence of 
the proximity of the savages to Fort Edward, he had 
engaged several chiefs who had been at the Bouquet en- 
campment, to keep an eye upon the fierce Ottawas, and 
especially upon the bloodthirsty Wyandots, and persuade 
them not to cross the Hudson ; but if they could not be 
deterred from so doing by intimations of danger from 
rebel scouts, his employes were to watch over the safety 
of his mother's residence, and also that of Colonel 



Appendix, 3 1 3 

McCrea. For all which, and In order the better to secure 
their fidelity, Jones promised a suitable but not specified 
reward ; meaning thereby such trinkets and weapons as 
were fitted for Indian traffic, and usually bestowed upon 
savages, whether in peace or war. 

But partisanship was then extremely bitter, and eagerly 
seized the opportunity thus presented of magnifying a 
slio-ht and false rumor into a veritable fact, which was 
used most successfully in stirring up the fires of hatred 
against loyalists in general, and the family of Jones in 
particular. The experiences of, the last {&V7 years afford 
fresh illustrations of how little of partisan asseveration is 
reliable ; and there is so much of the terrible in civil 
war which is indisputably true, that it is not difficult, nor 
does it require habitual credulity, to give currency to 
falsehood. 

One, who a hundred years hence, should write a his- 
tory of the late Rebellion, based upon the thousand 
rumors, newspaper correspondence, statements of radical 
and fierce politicians on one or another side, would run 
great risk of making serious misstatements. The more 
private documents are brought to light, the more clearly 
they reveal a similar, though even more intensified state 
of feeling between the tories and the whigs during the 
era of the Revolution. Great caution should therefore 
be observed, when incorporating in history any accounts 
as facts, which ?eem to have been the result of personal 
hatred or malice. 



3 1 4 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

No. V. 

A Visit to the Battle-Ground in 1827. 

The following account of a visit to the field of Sara- 
toga, on the fiftieth anniversary of that battle, viz : 
October 17th, 1827, was written immediately afterward 
for the use of the late Col. William L. Stone, for his 
Life of Brant. The writer, the late venerable Samuel 
Woodruff, Esq., of Windsor (Conn.), was a participator 
in the battle : 

Windsor, Conn., Oct. 31, 1827. 
My dear Sir : 

You may remember when I had the pleasure to dine 
with you at New York, on the 14th inst., I had set out 
on a tour to Saratoga to gratify a desire I felt, and which 
had long been increasing, to view the battle-grounds at 
that place, and the spot on which the royal army under 
the command of General Burgoyne surrendered to Gene- 
ral Gates on the 17th of October, 1777. 

I thought it would add something to the interest of 
that view to me, to be there on the 17th, exactly half a 
century after that memorable event took place. You 
will excuse me for entering a little into the feelings of 
Uncle Toby respecting Dendermond in the compressed 
and hastily written journal I kept of my tour, especially 
as you will take into consideration that 1 had the honor 
to serve as a volunteer under General Gates part of that 
campaign, and was in the battle of the 7th of October. 

I take the liberty to enclose you an extract of that 



Appendix. 3 i 5 

part of my journal which embraces the pruicipal object 
of my tour. 

Oct. lyth. After a short stop in Troy, took another 
stage for Saratoga ; at Lansingburgh, a neat and hand- 
some village, about three miles from Troy, crossed the 
Hudson on a covered bridge of excellent workmanship, 
over to Waterford (Old Half Moon point), another rich 
and flourishing village. Arrived at Fish creek in Saratoga 
at half past two p.m. through a beautiful, well cultivated 
interval of alluvial land on the west side of the Hudson — 
everything from Albany to this place wears the appear- 
ance of wealth and comfort. Put up at Mr. Barker's 
tavern. After dinner viewed the ruins of the British 
fortifications and head-quarters of Gen. Burgoyne. He 
kept his quarters for several days at a house, now stand- 
ing and in good repair, about a mile north of Fish creek, 
on the west side of the road, owned by Mr. Busher, an 
intelligent farmer about seventy-five years of age. While 
Burgoyne held his head-quarters at this house, Baron 
Riedesel, of the royal army, obtained leave of the com- 
mander-in-chief to place his lady the baroness and their 
three small children under the same protection ; these 
were also accompanied by lady Ackland and some other 
ladies, wives of British officers. At that time some of 
the American troops were stationed on the east bank of 
the Hudson, opposite the house, in fair view of it, and 
within cannon-shot distance. Observing considerable 
moving of persons about the house, the Americans sup- 
posed it the rendezvous of the British officers, and com- 
menced a brisk cannonade upon it. Several shot struck 



3 1 6 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

and shattered the house. The baroness with her child- 
ren fled into the cellar for safety, and placed herself and 
them at the northeast corner, where they were well pro- 
tected by the cellar wall. A British surgeon by the name 
of Jones, having his leg broken by a cannon ball, was at 
this time brought in, and laid on the floor of the room 
which the baroness and the other ladies had just left. A 
cannon ball entered the house near the northeast corner 
of the room, a few inches above the floor, and passing 
through, broke and mangled the other leg of the poor 
surgeon. Soon after this he expired. Mr. Busher very 
civilly conducted me into the room, cellar, and Oiher 
parts of the house, pointing out the places where the 
balls entered, etc. From hence I proceeded to, and 
viewed with very great interest, the spot where Gen. 
Burgoyne, attended by his staff, presented his sword to 
Gen. Gates ; also, the ground on which the arms, etc., 
of the royal army were stacked and piled. This memo- 
rable place is situated on the flat, north side of Fish 
creek, about forty rods west of its entrance into the 
Hudson, and through which the Champlain canal now 
passes. 

Contiguous to this spot is the N. W. angle of old 
Fort Hardy, a military work thrown up and occupied by 
the French, under Gen. Dieskau, in the year 1755. The 
lines of intrenchment embrace, as I should judge, about 
fifteen acres of ground. The outer works on the north 
side of Fish creek, and east on the west bank of the 
Hudson. Human bones, fragments of fire-arms, swords, 
balls, tools, implements, broken crockery, etc., etc., are 
frequently picked up on this ground. 



Appendix. 3 1 7 

In excavating the earth for the Champlain canal, which 
passes a i^w rods west of this fort, such numbers of 
human skeletons were found as render it highly probable 
this was the cemetery of the French garrison. 

About twenty or thirty rods west of the aqueduct for 
the canal over Fish creek, stood Gen. Schuyler's mills, 
which were burned by order of Gen. Burgoyne. 

Gen. Schuyler's dwelling-house also, and his other 
buildings, standing on a beautiful area a little southeast 
of the mills on the south side of the creek, suffered the 
same fate. The mills have been rebuilt and are now in 
operation, at the same place where the former stood. 
The grandson of Gen. Schuyler now lives in a house 
erected on the site of the former dwelling of his father — 
a covered bridge across the creek adjoining the mills. 

I cannot, in this place, omit some short notices of Gen. 
P. Schuyler. It seems he was commander-in-chief of 
the northern army until the latter part of August, 1777, 
at which time he was superseded by Gen. Gates. 

I remember at that time there was some excitement 
in the public mind, and much dissatisfaction expressed 
on account of that measure ; and with my limited means 
of knowledge, I have never been able to learn what good 
reason induced his removal. Few men in our country 
at that time ranked higher than Gen. Schuyler in all the 
essential qualities of the patriot, the gentleman, the sol- 
dier, and scholar. True to the cause of liberty, he made 
sacrifices which few were either able or willing to bear. 
The nobility of soul he possessed, distinguished him from 
ordinary men, and pointed him out as one deserving of 
public confidence. 



3 1 8 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

At the surrender of the royal army, he generously in- 
vited Gen. Burgoyne, his suite, and several of the prin- 
cipal officers, with their ladies, to his house at Albany ; 
where, at his own expense, he fed and lodged them for 
two or three weeks with the kindest hospitality. 
. This is the man, who, a few days before, had suffered 
immense loss in his mills ami other buildings at Fish 
creek, burned by order of the same Burgoyne who had 
now become his guest. 

Respecting Gen. Gates, I will only say fmis coronat opus. 

Oct. i8th. At seven a.m., started on foot to view 
some other and equally interesting places connected with 
the campaign of 1777. Three miles and a half south of 
Fish creek, called at the house of a Mr. Smith, in which 
Gen. Fraser died of wounds received in the battle of the 
7th October, and near which house, in one of the British 
redoubts, that officer was buried. This house then stood 
by the road on the west margin of the intervale, at the 
foot of the rising ground. A turnpike road having since 
been constructed, running twenty or thirty rods east of 
the old road, the latter has been discontinued, and Mr. 
Smith has drawn the house and placed it on the west 
side of the turnpike. 

Waiving, for the present, any farther notices of this 
spot, I shall attempt a concise narrative of the two hostile 
armies for a short period anterior to the great battle of 
the 7th of October. 

The object of the British general was to penetrate as 
far as Albany, at which place, by concert, he was to 
meet Sir Henry Clinton, then with a fleet and army 



Appendix. 3 1 9 

lying at New York. In the early part of September, 
Gen. Burgoyne had advanced with his army from Fort 
Edward, and crossed the Hudson with his artillery, bag- 
gage wagons, etc., on a bridge of boats, and intrenched 
the troops on the highlands in Saratoga. On the 19th 
of September they left their intrenchments, and moved 
south by a slow and cautious march toward the Ameri" 
can camp, which was secured by a line of intrenchments 
and redoubts on Bemis's heights, running from west 
to east about half a mile in length, terminating at the 
east end on the west side of the intervale. 

Upon the approach of the royal army, the American 
forces sallied forth from their camp, and met the British 
about a mile north of the American lines. A severe 
conflict ensued, and many brave officers and men fell 
on both sides. The ground on which this battle was 
fought was principally covered with standing wood. 
This circumstance somewhat embarrassed the British 
troops in the use of their field artillery, and and afforded 
some advantage to the Americans, particularly the rifle- 
men under the command of the brave Col. Morgan, who 
did great execution. Night, which has so often and so 
kindly interposed to stop the carnage of conflicting hosts, 
put an end to the battle. Neither party claimed a vic- 
tory. The royal army withdrew in the night, leaving 
the field and their slain, with some of their wounded, in 
possession of the Americans. The loss of killed and 
wounded, as near as could be ascertained, was, on the 
part of the British, 600 ; and on that of the Americans, 
about 350. The bravery and firmness of the American 



320 Campaign of General John Burgoyne, 

forces displayed this day, convinced the British officers 
of the difficulty, if not utter impossibility, of continuing 
their march to Albany. The season for closing the 
campaign in that northern region was advancing — the 
American army was daily augmenting by militia, volun- 
teers, and the "two months men," as they were then 
called. The fear that the royal armies might effect 
their junction at Albany, aroused the neighboring states of 
New England, and drew from New Hampshire, Massa- 
chusetts, Connecticut, and Vermont, a large body of 
determined soldiers. Baum's defeat at Bennington had 
inspired them with new hopes and invigorated their 
spirits. 

Under these circumstances, inauspicious to the hostile 
army, the British commander-in-chief summoned a coun- 
cil of war ; the result of which was to attempt a retreat 
across the Hudson to Fort Edward. Gen. Gates, 
apprehending the probability of this measure, seasonably 
detached a portion of his force to intercept and cut off 
the retreat, should that be attempted. 

Many new and unexpected difficulties now presented 
themselves. The boats which had served the British 
army foi a bridge, being considered by them as of no 
further use, had been cut loose, and most of them floated 
down the river. The construction of rafts sufficient for 
conveying over their artillery and heavy baggage, would 
be attended with great danger as well as loss of time. 
The bridges over the creeks had been destroyed ; great 
quantities of trees had been felled across the roads by 
order of the American general j another thing, not of 



Appendix. 3 2 1 

the most trifling nature, Fort Edward was already in 
possession of the Americans. In this perplexing dilemma 
the royal army found themselves completely checkmated. 
A retreat, however, was attempted, but soon abandoned. 
Situated as they now were, between two fires, every 
motion they made was fraught with danger and loss. 
They retired to their old intrenched camp. 

Several days elapsed without any very active opera- 
tions on either side. This interval of time was, how- 
ever, improved by the royal army in preparations to make 
one desperate effort to force the line of the American 
camp, and cut their way through on their march to 
Albany. The American army improved the meantime 
in strengthening their outer works, arranging their forces, 
and placing the Contine?itals on the north side of the in- 
trenchments, where valiant men were expected ; thus 
preparing to defend every point of attack ; Morgan, with 
his riflemen, to form the left flank in the woods. 

During these few days of '' dreadful preparation," in- 
formation daily arrived in our camp, by deserters and 
otherwise, that an attack would soon be made upon the 
line of our intrenchments at Bemis's heights, near the 
head-quarters of Gen. Gates. 

The expected conflict awakened great anxiety among 
the American troops, but abated nothing of that sterling 
intrepidity and firmness which they had uniformly dis- 
played in the hour of danger ; all considered that the 
expected conflict would be decisive of the campaign at 
least, if not of the war in which we had been so long 

engaged. Immense interests were at stake. Should 
28 



3 '2 2 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

Gen. Burgoyne succeed in marching his army to Albany, 
Gen. Clinton, without any considerable difficulty, would 
there join him with another powerful English army, and 
a fleet sufficient to command the Hudson from thence to 
New York. Should this junction of force take place, 
all the states east of the Hudson would be cut off from 
all efficient communication with the western and southern 
states. 

In addition to this there were other considerations of 
the deepest concern. The war had already been pro- 
tracted to a greater length of time than was expected on 
either side at the commencement. The resources of the 
country, which were at first but comparatively small in 
respect to those things necessary for war, began to fail , 
the term of enlistment of many of the soldiers had ex- 
pired. 

We had no public money, and no government to 
guaranty the payment of wages to the officers and sol- 
diers, nor to those who furnished supplies for the troops. 

Under these discouraging circumstances it became ex- 
tremely difficult to raise recruits for the army. During 
the year 1776 and the fore part of '77, the Americans 
suffered greatly by sickness, and were unsuccessful in 
almost every rencontre with the enemy. Men's hearts, 
even the stoutest, began to fail. This was indeed the 
most gloomy period of the war of the Revolution. 

On the 7th of October, about ten o'clock a.m., the 
royal army commenced their march, and formed their 
line of battle on our left, near Bemis's heights, with 
Gen. Fraser at their head. Our pickets were driven in 



Appendix. ^'^2 

about one o'clock p.m., and were followed by the British 
troops on a quick m^ich to within fair musket shot dis- 
tance of the line of our intrenchments. At this moment 
commenced a tremendous discharge of cannon and 
musketry, which .was returned with equal spirit by the 
Americans. 

For thirty or forty minutes the struggle at the breast- 
works was maintained with great obstinacy. Several 
charges v^ith fixed bayonets were made by the English 
grenadiers with but little effect. Great numbers fell on 
both sides. The ardor of this bloody conflict continued 
for some time without any apparent advantage gained by 
either party. At length, however, the assailants began 
to give way, preserving good order in a regular but slow 
retreat — loading, wheeling, and firing, with considera- 
ble effect. The Americans followed up the advantage 
they had gained, by a brisk and well-directed fire of field- 
pieces and musketry. Col. Morgan with his riflemen 
hung upon the left wing of the retreating enemy, and 
galled them by a most destructive fire. The line of 
battle now became extensive, and most of the troops of 
both armies were brought into action. The principal 
part of the ground on which this hard day's work was 
done, is known by the name of Freeman's farm. It 
was then covered by a thin growth of pitch-pine wt>od 
without under brush, excepting one lot of about six or 
eight acres, which had been cleared and fenced. On 
this spot the Britsh grenadiers, under the command of 
the brave Major Ackland, made a stand, and brought 
together some of the:'r field artillery ; this little field 



324 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

soon became literally ''the field of blood." These 
grenadiers, the flower of the royal army, unaccustomed 
to yield to any opposing force in fair field, fought with 
that obstinate spirit which borders on madness. Ack- 
land received a ball through both legs, which rendered 
him unable to walk or stand. This occurrence hastened 
the retreat of the grenadiers, leaving the ground thickly 
strewed with their dead and wounded. 

The battle was continued by a brisk running fire until 
dark. The victory was complete ; leaving the Ameri- 
cans masters of the field. Thus ended a battle of the 
highest importance in its consequences, and which added 
great lustre to the American arms. I have seen no 
ofiicial account of the numbers killed and wounded ; but 
the loss on the part of the British must have been great, 
and on the part of the Americans not inconsiderable. 
The loss of general officers suff'ered by the royal army 
was peculiarly severe. But to return to the Smith house. 
I made known to the Smith family the object of my 
calling upon them ; found them polite and intelligent? 
and learned from them many interesting particulars re- 
specting the battle of the 7th of October. For several 
days previous to that time Gen. Burgoyne had made that 
house his head-quarters, accompanied by several general 
oflicers and their ladies, among whom were Gen. Fraser, 
the Baron and Baroness Riedesel, and their children. 

The circumstances attending the fall of this gallant 
officer have presented a question about which military 
men are divided in opinion. The facts seem to be agreed, 
that soon after the commencement of the action, Gen. 



Appendix, 325 

Arnold, knowing the military character and efficiency of 
Gen, Fraser, and observing his motions in leading and 
conducting the attack, said to Col. Morgan, ^' that officer 
upon a grey horse is of himself a host, and must be dis- 
posed of. Direct the attention of some of the sharp- 
shooters among your riflemen to him." Morgan, nod- 
ding his assent to Arnold, repaired to his riflemen, and 
made known to them the hint given by Arnold. Imme- 
diately upon this, the crupper of the grey horse was cut 
off by a rifle bullet, and within the next minute another 
passed through the horse's mane, a little back of his ears. 
An aid of Fraser noticing this, observed to him, ^' Sir, 
it is evident that you are marked out for particular aim ; 
would it not be prudent for you to retire from this place ?" 
Fraser replied, "my duty forbids me to fly from dan- 
ger ; " and immediately received a bullet through his 
body. A few grenadiers were detached to carry him to 
the Smith house. 

Having introduced the name of Arnold, it may be 
proper to note here, that although he had no regular 
command that day, he volunteered his service, was early 
on the ground, and in the hottest part of the struggle at 
the redoubts. He behaved (as I then thought), more 
like a madman than a cool and discreet officer. Mounted 
on a brown horse, he moved incessantly at a full gallop 
back and forth, until he received a wound in his leg, and 
his horse was shot under him. I happened to be near 
him when he fell, and assisted in getting him into a litter 
to be carried to head-quarters. 

Late in the evening Gen. Burgoyne came in, and a 



2i6 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

tender scene took place between him and Eraser. Gen. 
Fraser was the idol of the British army, and the officer 
on whom, of all others, Burgoyne placed the greatest 
reliance. He languished through the night, and expired 
at eight o'clock the next morning. While on his death- 
bed he advised Burgoyne, without delay, to propose to 
Gen. Gates terms of capitulation, and prevent the further 
effusion of blood ; that the situation of his army was now 
hopeless ; they could neither advance nor retreat. He 
also requested that he might be buried in the Great re- 
doubt — his body to be borne thither between sunset and 
dark, by a body of the grenadiers, without parade or 
ceremony. This request was strictly complied with. 

After viewing the house to my satisfaction, I walked 
up to the place of Interment. It is situated on an ele- 
vated piece of ground, commanding an extensive view of 
the Hudson, and a great length of the beautiful interval 
on each side of it. I was alone ; the weather was calm 
and serene. Reflections were awakened in my mind 
which lam wholly unable to describe. Instead of the 
bustle and hum of the camp, and confused noise of the 
battle of the warrior, and the shouts of victory which I 
here witnessed fifty years ago, all was now silent as the 
abodes of the dead. And indeed far, far the greatest part 
of both those armies who were then in'active life at and 
near this spot, are now mouldering in their graves, like 
that valiant officer whose remains are under my feet — 
" their memories and their names lost," while God, in 
his merciful Providence, has preserved my life, and 
after the lapse of half a century has afforded me an 



Appendix. 327 

opportunity of once more viewing those places which 
force upon my mind* many interesting recollections of my 
youthful days. 

Oct. 19th. On my return down the river from 
Alb^iy to New York, in the steam boat North America, 
I had leisure and opportunity for reflecting upon the 
immense wealth and resources of the state of New 
York — greater, I believe, at this time than that of any 
other two states in the Union. It would be hazarding 
nothing to say, that this single state possessses more 
physical power, and more of the " sinews of war," than 
were employed by the whole thirteen states through the 
war of the Revolution. This among other considertions, 
led me to the reflection how honorable it would be to 
the state, and how deserving of the occasion, that a 
monument be erected at or near the place where the 
royal army surrendered by capitulation on the 17th of 
October, 1777, in commemoration of an event so im- 
portant in our national history. The battle of the 7th 
of October may be considered, in its effects and conse- 
quences, as the termination of the war, with as much 
propriety as that of Bunker's hill was the commence- 
ment of it. 

I am, Sir, 

Very respectfully yours, 

Samuel Woodruff. 

William L. Stone, Esq. 



328 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

No. VI. 

Eraser's Remains, probable Origin of the Tradi- 
tion OF THEIR having BEEN REMOVED. 

The following incident, printed in The Old Settler in 
1851 is certainly most curious; nor have I any doubt 
but that the tradition held to this day at Wilbur's basin 
of the remains of General Fraser having been removed to 
England, had its rise in the circumstances here related. 
This opinion^ moreover, receives, in my mind, additional 
confirmation in the fact that P. Stansbury, who published an 
account of his visit to the battle ground in 1821, states that 
the farmers there told him that Eraser's body had " lately 
been taken to England." This date, it will be observed 
(1821) corresponds exactly with the one mentioned by 
Peter Barker. 

An Incident of Burgoyne's Campaign. 
Mr. Allen — About thirty years ago, the late Peter 
Barker, then of Schuylerville, Saratoga county, related 
to me an' extraordinary circumstance which occurred in 
that village, during the time he was proprietor of the 
hotel, and also land agent of Philip Schuyler, Esq. 
'Tis an old affair, and may perhaps be interesting to the 
readers of The Old Settler. From a memorandum made 
at the time, I am enabled to give you the precise language 
of Mr. Barker. He said : " One morninor a carriao-e drove 
up to my door, from which there alighted three gentle- 
men — one very aged, the other two much younger. 
On learning that Mr. Schuyler was absent (for whom 
they inquired), they informed me that their business with 



Appendix, 329 

him was to obtain permission to remove the remains of 
a relative, who was many years ago buried on his land. 
I replied, that as agent of Mr. Schuyler, I would not 
only grant the permission, but would render them any 
assistance in my power to effect the object of their visit. 
They thanked me, and requested me to order a box to 
be made, sufficiently large to contain the bones of a 
person, and also to engage six men to be in attendance 
when wanted, with implements for digging ; and after 
ordering an early dinner, they left the house, on foot. 
They were absent about two hours. On their return, 
they intimated to me that they had discovered the grave. 
After eating a hasty dinner, we summoned the men ; 
and having obtained the box, started under the guidance 
of the old gentleman. He led us to the plain east of the 
house, and about half way to the river, to a large primi- 
tive elm tree, where he ordered us' to stop. He then, 
with a pocket compass, ascertained the due north course 
from the tree, and measured off a certain distance from 
the tree by pacing : there he stuck a stake. After 
spending half an hour or more in measuring and remeasur- 
ing, he marked on the surface of the ground an oblong 
square of about five by eight feet, and directed the work- 
men to there commence digging, giving them particular 
directions if they should discover anything like rotten or 
decayed wood to stop. At the depth of four feet such 
a discovery was made. The old gentleman, much 
agitated, got into the pit, and under his direction the 
earth was carefully removed from off the decayed wood, 
which was in length about seven feet. Beneath the 
wood was another decayed substance, which the old 



330 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

gentleman said was the remains of woolen blankets ; 
and, on removing that covering, human bones were dis- 
covered ; with them, the remains of two bayonets, which 
appeared to have been crossed on the breast — a silver 
stock buckle, a gold masonic medal, and several musket 
balls, by which the remains were fully identified by the 
old gentleman, who, with his own hands, the tears 
streaming down his cheeks, and with the greatest care 
and reverence, gathered up all the bones and ashes, and 
placed them in the box v/hich was carefully closed. 

"It was dark when we returned to the house. After 
supper, the two young gentlemen invited me to their room, 
to give me an explanation of the singular events of the 
day. They said the remains they had removed, were 
those of a British officer in Burgoyne's army, in the war 
of the Revolution, and the old gentleman who accompanied 
them was the servant of that officer. The officer was 
mortally wounded in the battle of Saratoga. His servant 
(the old gentleman) and three of his soldiers carried him 
off the field of battle in blankets, and as far north as the 
elm tree, under which he died. The servant was de- 
termined, and did most effectually mark the place, that 
the grave might be found, should occasion ever after- 
wards require. They hastily dug a grave, laid the body 
in it in full dress, covered it first with several blankets, 
then with three or four boards, and filled it up with 
earth. 

" After peace the servant returned to England, and for 
many years afterwards importuned the family of that 
officer to send him over for the remains. They placed 
but little reliance upon his representations and declined 



«?• 




JLmdy IHLmsmiet Ac mumi 



Appendix, 331 

doing it ; and so the matter rested until that time, when 
the old gentleman became so importunate, giving them no 
peace, that they, grandsons of the officer, finally decided 
to gratify him by bringing him over to this country, but 
without, they said, the least hope or expectation of suc- 
cess ; and they attributed the finding of the remains more 
to accident, than to the recollection of the old gentle- 
man. J. 
Troy^ May^ 1851. 

No. VII. 
Lady Ackland. 

The following remarks on Lady Harriet Ackland — 
says Mr. Fonblanque in his Life of Burgoyne — are ex- 
tracted from a letter written by Miss Warburton (Bur- 
goyne's niece) to her nephew, the late Sir John Burgoyne 
of Crimean fame, while a boy at school : 

" You will be curious, I do not doubt, to know the 
sequel of this incomparable woman's history, and as far as 
I am able I will give it you. She had the happiness to see 
her husband perfectly recovered from his wounds, shortly 
after which he was unfortunately involved in an affair of 
honor in consequence of some disagreement with a brother 
officer in America during the preceding campaign. They 
fought with swords, and Major Ackland, in making a 
pass at his adversary, slipped and fell forward with great 
violence. It happened that a small pebble lay within 
reach of his fall, and he struck his temple upon it with 
such force that instant death ensued. Imagine to your- 
self the wretchedness of Lady Harriet on this unhappy 
event. Attached to him as she was, having suffered so 



23^ Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

much for his sake, and having, as she hoped, brought 
him home to safety and a life of future happiness, to 
have all this cheering prospect dashed at once in so mis- 
erable a manner, was, one would have thought, more 
than human nature could support or sustain. But she 
had a mind superior to every trial, and even this, her 
severest infliction, she bore up under with resignation and 
fortitude. I saw her again many years afterwards, when 
her sorrows had been somewhat tempered by time. She 
was still handsome, but her bloom and vivacity were 
gone. I placed myself where I could .^unobserved con- 
template the change she had undergone since I had first 
seen her. Her countenance was mild and placid, but 
there was a look of tender melancholy mingled with re- 
signation that made her the most interesting object I had 
ever beheld. * * Whilst we render this tribute to 
the virtue of Lady Harriet, let us not overlook the 
heroic conduct of Mr. Brudenell. I cannot conceive 
courage and fortitude exceeding that which he displayed 
at the funeral of General Fraser. There was on that 
occasion every thing to appal the strongest mind ; that 
under such circumstances he should not only go through 
the solemn service with deliberation, but that his voice 
should preserve its firmness, is I think, an instance of 
the most determined resolution that ever was exhibited." ^ 
Lady Ackland, or rather Mrs. Brudenell, died on the 
2 1 St of July, 1815. 



I " There is a sequel to this romantic story which Miss Warburton forgot 
to mention 5 Lady Harriet Ackland ultimately became the wife of Mr. 
Brudenell." — Note by Fonhlanquc. 



appendix. ^33 

No. VIII. 

Statement by Sergeant Lamb of the Royal 
Welsh Fusileers in regard to the Burning of 
General Schuyler's House and Barns. 

Some letters passed between the opposed generals. 
The first was from General Burgoyne, by Lady Ackland, 
whose husband was dangerously wounded and a prisoner, 
recommending her ladyship to the care and protection of 
General Gates. Gates's answer was pointed with the 
sharpest irony, in which he expresses his surprise that 
his excellency, after considering his preceding conduct, 
should think that he could consider the greatest attention 
to Ladv Ackland in the light of an obligation. These 
epistles, although mere communications between indi- 
viduals, and frequently on private affairs, yet serve to 
portray the disposition of the times^ and unveil the cause 
that gave rise to the unhappy contest. 

"The cruelties," added he, " which mark the retreat of 
your army, in burning the gentlemen's and farmer's houses 
as they went along, are almost, among civilized nations, 
without a precedent ; they should not endeavor to ruin 
those they cannot conquer ; this conduct betrays more 
the vindictive malice of a monk, than the generosity of 
a soldier." 

What gave rise to this charge was the following cir- 
cumstance. On the west bank of Hudson's river, near 
the hdlght of Saratoga, where the British army halted 
after their retreat, stood General Schuyler's dwelling 
29 



334 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

house, with a range of barracks, store-houses, etc. The 
evening the army arrived at these buildings, the weather 
being very wet and cold, the sick and wounded were 
directed to take possession of these barracks, while the 
troops took post on the height above it. In the course 
of the night, the barracks took fire by accident, and, 
being built of wood, were soon consumed. It was with 
the greatest difficulty that the wounded soldiers were 
rescured from the flames.' Two days after this, the 
enemy had formed a plan of attack ; a large column of 
troops was approaching to pass the river, preparatory to 
a general action. This column was entirely covered 
from the fire of the British artillery by some of these 
buildings. General Burgoyne ordered them to be set 
on fire ; but so far was the sufferer from putting an in- 
vidious construction upon that action, that one of the 
first persons General Burgoyne saw after the convention 
was signed was the owner, General Schuyler ; who, in- 
stead of blaming the English general, owned he would 
have done the same upon the like occasion, or words to 
that effect. 

Correspondence between Gates and Burgoyne. 

The following is the correspondence between the two 
generals referred to by Sergeant Lamb. It will be seen 
to differ somewhat from the copy extract given by him. 



^ The author was in the house when it took fire, and it was with the 
greatest difficulty he escaped. 



Appendix » 23S 

General Burgoyne to General Gates. 
" Sir : Lndy Harriet Ackland, a lady of the first dis- 
tinction by family rank and by personal virtues, is under 
such concern on account of Major Ackland her husband, 
wounded and a prisoner in yoiiS? hands, that I cannot 
refuse her request to commit her to your protection. 

^' Whatever general impropriety there may be in persons 
acting in your situation and mine to solicit favors, I cannot 
see the uncommon perseverance in every female grace, 
and exaltation of character of this lady, and her very hard 
fortune without testifying that your attentions to her will 
lay me under obligation. 

" I am Sir, 

'' Your obedient servant, 

'' J. Burgoyne. 
" Oct. (^th^ ^111- 

'^ Maj. Gen. Gates." 

General Gates to General Burgoyne. 

"Saratoga, Oct. wth^ ^111- 
" Sir : I have the honor to receive your excellency's 
letter by Lady Ackland. The respect due to her lady- 
ship's rank, the tenderness due to her person and sex 
were alone sufficient securities to entitle her to my pro- 
tection if you consider my preceding conduct with respect 
to those of your army whom the fortune of war has 
placed in my hands. I am surprised that your excellency 
should think that I could consider the greatest attention 
to Lady Ackland in the light of an obligation. 



;^^6 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

" The cruelties which mark the retreat of your army, in 
burning gentlemen's and farmers' houses as they pass 
along, is almost, among civilized nations, without a pre- 
cedent. They should not endeav^or to ruin those they 
could not conquer. This conduct betrays more of the 
vindictive malice of ^ bigot, than the generosity of a 
soldier. 

" Your friend. Sir Francis Gierke, by the information 
of Dr. Potts, the director-general of my hospital, lan- 
guishes under a dangerous wound. Every sort of tender- 
ness and attention is paid him, as well as to all the 
wounded who have fallen into my hands, and the hospital, 
which you were obliged to leave to my mercy. 

" At the solicitation of Major Williams I am prevailed 
upon to offer him and Major Wiborn in exchange for 
Colonel Ethan Allen. Your excellency's objections 
to rhy last proposals for the exchange of Colonel Ethan 
Allen I must consider trifling, as I cannot but suppose 
that the generals of the royal armies act in equal concert 
with those of the generals of the armies of the United 
States. 

" The bearer delivers a number of letters from the 
officers of your army taken prisoners in the action of the 
7th. 

" 1 am. Sir, 

" Your Excellency's most humble servant, 

" Horatio Gates. 

" Lt. General Burgoyne." 



Appendix. 



Jv> 



Memorandum of a Message delivered by Major 
Kingston from Lieutenant General Burgoyne 
TO General Gates in answer to the above 
letter. 

" The general from a great deal of business did not 
yesterday answer your letter about the officers, but in- 
tended it. 

" In regard to the reproaches made upon this army of 
burning the country, they are unjust ; General Schuyler's 
house, and adjacent buildings remained protected till 
General Gates's troops approached the ford. General 
Burgoyne owns the order for setting fire at that time to 
any thing that covered the movement. 

" The barracks, particularly took fire by mere acci- 
dent, and measures were taken, though ineffectual, to 
save them. If there has been any vindictive spirit in 
burning other buildings on the march, it has probably 
been employed by some secret well-wishers to the 
American cause, as General Burgoyne has been informed 
some of the buildings belonged to supposed friends of 
the king. The general does not think that General 
Gates has a right, from any thing that has appeared in his 
conduct or reasoning, to make use of the term trifling ; 
and he still persists, that he cannot interfere with the 
prisoners in General Howe's army, and more especially 
in a case that has been under negotiation between Gene- 
ral Howe and General Washington." 



338 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

No. IX. 
Jane McCrea and Sketch of Fort Edward. 

Fort Edward, a short distance from which the death 
of Jane McCrea took place, has an important place in 
American history. In colonial times it was a central 
point of interest both to the whites and Indians. In the 
wars of Queen Anne, the Old French, and Seven 
Years War, both sides were equally anxious to possess it, 
and, in consequence, many thrilling adventures occurred 
in its vicinity. 

The first white man, says Sir William Johnson, who 
settled in the town, was Colonel John Henry Lydius son 
of a Dutch minister of Albany. Lydius was a man of 
extensive acquaintance with the Indians, having resided 
much among them, in Canada for several years where he 
married, and again at Lake George. He erected several 
mills on an island opposite the present village ; and hence 
the names the place long went by — Lydius's Mills. 
His daughter Catherine Lydius was the first white child 
born in Washington Co. The street in the village of 
Fort Edward, now Broadway, was formerly called Ly- 
dius after the founder. Col. Lydius carried on an ex- 
tensive trade with the Indians at this point for several 
years. He was, however, extremely unpopular with 
these people, who justly accused him of having, on various 
occasions, cheated them in land transactions. This feel- 
ing on the part of the Indians, at length culminated in 
. 1749, in which year they burned his house on the island 
and took his son prisoner. 



Appendix. 339 

Old Fort Edward stood on the east bank of the 
Hudson, a ^qw rods below the present rail road bridge. 
Nothing now remains of it except, as in the case of Fort 
Hardy, a few slight mounds, where were the earth works, 
and the broken bricks and pottery which are mixed plen- 
tifully with the soil. At the best, it consisted only of a 
square fortified by two bastions on the east side, and by 
two demi bastions on the side toward the river. It was 
built in 1700, by the English, for the protection of the 
northern frontier, and was called Fort Nicholson, after 
Col. Nicholson. After the failure, however, of that 
officer's remarkable though entirely abortive, expedition 
for the subjugation of Canada — an expedition the or- 
ganization of which cost the colonies and that of New 
York in particular a vast amount of money — the fort 
was abandoned and allowed to go to decay. 

In 1755, the English, under General, and afterward 
Sir William Johnson, made a forward movement toward 
Canada. As one of the preliminary steps to this expe- 
dition General Phineas Lyman, with 600 men was sent 
forward to the site of Fort Lydius in the beginning of 
August of that year, to rebuild the fort. The site of the 
old fortification was abandoned, because it was too much 
commanded, and a large redoubt, with a simple parapet 
and a wretched palisade, was built on a more elevated 
spot not far distant. Within were small barracks for 200 
men. The ramparts of earth and timber were sixteen 
feet high and twenty-two feet thick, and mounted six 
cannon. On the island opposite, were also barracks and 
store-houses. It received the name of Fort Lyman, and 



340 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

was a most important depot for the munitions of war 
in the northern movement of the English forces ; besides 
which it was a general rendezvous of the army and he- 
came after a large hospital for the sick and wounded. 
It also received the name of " The Great carrying- 
place" — the reason for this designation being that the 
rapids and falls in the river above the fort made it im- 
possible to ascend any further with the bateaux. Con- 
sequently, the goods, arms and ammunition were here 
unloaded, and carried overland either to Wood creek at 
Fort Anne, when they were reshipped, and taken to Lake 
Champlain, or else to the head of Lake George and 
thence down the lake to the carrying-place at its foot. 

In 1755, Israel Putnam was in Gen. Lyman's regi- 
ment, as the captain of a company, and was probably 
with him at the rebuilding of the fort. He was fre- 
quently there during that and two succeeding years, and 
formed a headquarters for himself and his rangers. In 
1757 he performed some heroic feats in its behalf. A 
band of Indians approached it with the secrecy and 
craftiness so characteristic of the race, and attempted to 
surprise and capture the garrison, but Putnam, then a 
major, was not easily taken. He and his men were 
ready for the savages and put them speedily to flight. 
In the winter of the same year, the fort was accidentally 
set on fire. The flames spread rapidly, and for a time 
it looked as though everything would be destroyed. 
The powder magazine was in great danger, as the flames 
were getting very near it. Putnam placed himself be- 
tween the fire and the magazine, and for an hour and a 



Appendix. 341 

half fought with the flames until they were finally sub- 
dued. The covering of the magazine was scorched and 
blackened, and the brave Putnam came out of the con- 
flict with his face, arms and hands fearfully burned. 
Many weeks passed before he recovered from his injuries. 
Two years afterward, 1758, Putnam and a few of his 
followers were again chased by the Indians in their 
canoes to a short distance below the fort. They were 
in a bateau and rapidly rowed down the river with their 
pursuers close behind them ; approaching the falls at 
Fort Miller, there seemed to be no way of escape but 
by going over them. So the bateau was steered to the 
falls and went over the verge. The Indians fired, and 
looked for the utter destruction of the crew, when to 
their amazement they were seen gliding rapidly away 
unharmed. Neither the leap over the falls, nor the 
rapids below, nor their bullets had harmed their supposed 
victims ; and henceforth, the Indians considered Putnam 
under the special protection of the Great Spirit. 

The fort retained the name of Fort Lyman but a few 
years, when it was changed to Fort Edward in honor of 
Edward, Duke of York, a grandson of George II and 
brother of George III. During the revolutionary war 
it was at tinies held by the British but was the greater 
portion of the time in the hands of the Americans, 
affording protection to the farmers of the surrounding 
country who frequently flocked into it when fearful of 
the incursions of Indians and tories. 

On the approach of Burgoyne's army from Fort Anne 
it was evacuated by the Americans, by order of Schuyler 



342 Campaign of General John Burgoyne, 

until after the surrender of the British army at Saratoga.^ 
While Burgoyne lay at Fort Miller, it was occupied a 
portion of the time by General Riedesel with his Bruns- 
wickers. While here Riedesel buried two large bateaux 
inside of the fort for the benefit of Col. St. Leger in 
case the latter should retreat by way of this place, mark- 
ing the spot by two crosses to give the appearance of 
two graves. St. Leger, however, fell back on Oswego-, 
and the bateaux were afterward found by the Americans 
(see Life of Reidesel and Gordon). Reidesel was also 
quartered for three weeks on the garrison ground at Fort 



^ It was while Schuyler lay at Fort Edward, before he fell back, that he 
resorted to a trick or expedient to delay Burgoyne's march. 

*' Frederick the Great, after Liegnizt, i6th August, 1760, caused a letter 
or despatch to fall into the hands of the Russian General ChernichefF, 
which induced the Muscovite, with every chance of success before him, to 
retire precipitately. In Schuyler's case he likewise by astuteness, turned 
the tables on his enemy. A communication had been sent by one Mr. 
Levins, from Canada, to G&n. Sullivan. It was concealed under the false 
bottom of a canteen. Schuyler substituted an answer worded in such a 
manner that if it reached Burgoyne it would cause him the greatest per- 
plexity. Its purport he confided to certain parties around him, and then 
sent it forward by a messenger who was to conduct himself so as to be cap- 
tured. The bearer was taken prisoner, and the paper which he bore was 
soon placed in the hands of Burgoyne. This had greater effect than even 
Schuyler could have expected. Stedman, the British staff officer and 
historian, acknowledged that Burgoyne ' was so completely duped and 
puzzled by it for several days that he was at a loss whether to advance or 
retreat.' This result, so flattering to Schuyler's sagacity, was communi- 
cated to one of Schuyler's staff, after Burgoyne's surrender, by an English 
officer. In justice to Schuyler let this be noted." — Gen. y. Watts de 
Peyster. 



1 



Appendix, 343 

Amherst ' at the half-way brook between the present 
village of Glen's Falls and Lake George. 

Schuyler was greatly blamed for not defending Fort 
Edward.^ Ticonderoga had to be evacuated, without 
resistance because it was commanded by Sugar-loaf 
mountain. Fort Edward was in like manner commanded 
on all sides. A'lajor General, the Marquis de Chastellux, 
who visited it shortly after the surrender, described it as 
situated in a basin or valley both as to ground and en- 
circling forests. *' Such is Fort Edward^'' he writes, 
" so much spoken of in Europe^ although it could in no time 
have been able to resist 500 men, with four pieces of 
cannon." " The fact is Fort Edward was not a strong 
position ; " and Kalm criticised both of these forts justly 
in 1758-9. " They were the result of jobs, badly lo- 
cated and badly built, with the design to put money into 
some favorite's pockets." 

The Marquis de Chastellux closes his description of 
his trip to the fort as follows : 

" I stopped here (Fort Edward) an hour to refresh 
my horses, and about noon set ofF to proceed as far as 
the cataract (Glen's Falls,) which is eight miles beyond 



^ The Fort Amherst here mentioned, was the fortified camp spoken of 
on page 92 as being held by the Americans. 

= Mrs. Riedesel joined her husband at Fort Edward. " The following day 
passed Ticonderoga, and about noon arrived at Fort George, where we 
dined with Col. Anstruther, an exceedingly good and amiable man, who 
commanded the 62d regiment. In the afternoon we seated ourselves in a 
calash, and reached Fort Edward on the same day, which was the 14th of 
August," — Journal of Mrs. General Riedesel. 



344 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

it. On leaving the valley, and pursuing the road to 
Lake George, is a tolerable military position, which was 
occupied in the war before the last. It is a sort of in- 
trenched camp, adapted to abatis, guarding the passage 
from the woods, and commanding the valley. I had 
scarcely lost sight of Fort Edward, before the spectacle 
of devastation presented itself to my eyes, and continued 
to do so as far as the place I stopped at. Peace and in- 
dustry had conducted cultivators amidst these ancient 
forests, men content and happy before the period of this 
war. Those who were in Burgoyne's v^^ay alone ex- 
perienced the horrors of his expedition ; but on the last 
invasion of the savages, the desolation has spread from 
Fort Schuyler (or Fort Stanwix) to Fort Edward. I 
beheld nothing around me but the remains of conflagra- 
tions ; a few bricks proof against the fire, were the only 
indications of ruined houses ; whilst the fences still entire 
and cleared out lands, announced that these deplorable 
habitations had once been the abode of riches and of 
happiness. 

" Arrived at the height of the cataract it was neces- 
sary for us to quit our sledges and' walk a mile to the 
bank of the river. The snow was fifteen inches deep, 
which rendered this walk rather difficult and obliged us 
to proceed in Indian file in order to make a path. Each 
of us put ourselves alternately at the head of this little 
column, as the wild geese relieve each other to occupy 
the summit of the an^le they form in their flight. But 
had our march been still more difficult, the sight of the 
cataract was an ample recompense. It is not a sheet of 



Appendix. 345 

water as at Cuhoes. The river confined and Interrupted 
in its course by different rocks, glides through the midst 
of them, and precipitating itself obliquely forms ssveral 
cascades. That of Cohoes is more majestic ; this, more 
terrible. The Mohawk river seems to fall from its own 
dead weight ; that of the Hudson frets and becomes en- 
'raged. It foams and forms whirlpools, and flies like a 
serpent making its escape, still continuing its menaces by 
horrible hisses. 

'' It was near two when we regained our sledges, hav- 
ing two and twenty miles to return to Saratoga, so that 
we trod back our steps as fast as possible, but we still 
had to halt at Fort Edward to refresh our horses. We 
employed this time as we had done in the morning, in 
warming ourselves by the fires of the officers who com- 
manded the garrison. They are five in number, and 
have about one hundred and fifty soldiers. They are 
stationed in this desert for the whole winter, and I leave 
the reader to imagine whether this garrison be much more 
gay than the two most melancholy ones of Gravalines 
or Brian^on, our own in France. We set off again in 
an hour, and night soon overtook us ; but before it was 
dark I had the satisfaction to see the first game I had 
met in my journey. It was a bevy of quails. (Part- 
ridges?) They were perched to the number of seven 
upon a fence. I got out of my sledge to have a nearer 
view of them. They suffered m,e to approach within 
four paces, and to make them rise I was obliged to throw 
my cane at them ; they all went off together in a flight 
similar to that of partridges, and like them they are 
sedentary." 

30 



34^ Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

No. X. 

The Fight at Diamond Island/ and an Incident 

OF Burgoyne's Campaign. 

On page 54 mention is made of the British army 
hearing shouting in the American camp, which proved 
to be rejoicing at the capture of some bateaux, and a part 
of the 53d regiment of the EngHsh. It was at this time, 
Sept. 24, 1777, that the fight at Diamond island near 
the head of Lake George occurred. Burgoyne on 
pushing south from Skenesborough had left small garrisons 
at Ticonderoga, Fort George and Diamond island ; there 
being at the latter post, particularly, a large accumulation. 
Seizing the opportunity thus afforded. General Lincoln, 
acting under the direction of the commander-in-chief, 
resolved, if possible, to break Burgoyne's line of com- 
munication and capture his supplies. Col. John Brown 
was accordingly sent with a force to attack Ticonderoga. 
Meeting with but partial success in this enterprise, he 
returned by way of Lake George ; and it was while on 
his way up the lake that the fight at Diamond island 
occurred. 

A recent writer has taken pains to gather up all the 



* So called from the innumerable beautiful crystals which are there found. 
Silliman, who was here in 1819, says: "The crystals are hardly surpassed 
by any in the world for transparency and perfection of form. They are, as 
usual, the six-sided prism, and are frequently terminated at both ends by six- 
sided pyramids. These last of course, must be found loose, or, at least, 
not adhering to any rocks ; those which are broken off have necessarily 
only one pyramid." — SilUman's Travels, p. 1 5 3. 



Appendix. 347 

documents and throw light on Col. Baum's attacks on 
Ticonderoga and Diamond island, and we quote from 
him as follows: 

" Since the printed accounts of the attack upon Ticon- 
deroga are almost as meagre as those of the struggle at 
the island, we will here give the official report, which is 
likewise to be found among the Gates Papers^ now in the 
possession of the Historical Society of New York, pre- 
facing the report, however, with the English statement 
of Burgoyne. 

'■^ In the course of a vindication of his military policy, 
Gen. Burgoyne writes as follovv's: 

'' During the events ftated above, an attempt was made againft Ticon- 
deroga by an army affembled under Major-General Lincoln, who found 
means to march with a confiderable corps from Huberton undifcovered, 
while another column of his force paffed the mountains Skenefborough and 
Lake George, and on the morning of the i8th of September a fudden and 
general attack was made upon the carrying place at Lake-George, Sugar- 
Hill, Ticonderoga, and Mount- Independence. The fea officers command- 
ing the armed floop ftationed to defend the carrying place, as alfo fome of 
the officers commanding at the poft of Sugar-Hill and at the Portage, were 
furprifed, and a confiderable part of four companies of the 53d regiment 
were made prifoners 5 a block-houfe, commanded by Lieutenant Lord of 
the 53d, was the only poft on that fide that had time to make ufe of their 
arms, and they made a brave defence till cannon tak»n from the furprifed 
veffel was brought againft them. 

" After ftating and lamenting fo, fatal a want of vigilance, I have to in- 
form your Lordfhip of the fatiffactory events which followed. 

'* The enemy having twice fummoned Brigadier General Powell, and 
received fuch anfwer as became a gallant officer entrufted with fo importvit 
a poft, and having tried during the courfe of four days feveral attacks, and 
being repulfed in all, retreated without having done any confiderable damage. 

" Brigadier General Powell from whofe report to me I extract this re- 
lation, gives great commendations to the regiment of Prince Frederick, and 



34^ Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

the other troops ftationed at Mount-Independence. The Brigadier alfo 
mentions with great applaufe the behaviour of Captain Taylor of the 2ift 
regiment, who was accidentally there on his route to the army from the 
hofpital, and Lieutenant Beecroft of the 24th regiment, who with the 
artificers in arms defended an important battery."^ 

" Such is Burgoyne's account of the attack upon 
Ticonderoga ; next to which comes that of Col. Brown, 
who, for the second time in the course of his military 
experience, had an opportunity of exhibiting his valor in 
connection with the fort. His report to Gen. Lincoln 
runs as follows : 

" North end of lake George landing. 
" thurfday Sept, loth 1777 
" Sir : With great fatigue after marching all laft night I arrived at this 
place at the break of day, after the beft difpofition of the men, I could 
'make, immediately began the attack, and in a few minutes, carried the 
place. I then without any lofs of time detached a confiderable part of my 
men to the mills, where a greater number of the enemy were pofted, who 
alfo were foon made prifoners, a fmall number of whom having taken 
poffeflion of a block houfe in that Vicinity were with more difficulty 
bro't to submiffion ; but at a fight of a Cannon ,they furrendered, dur- 
ing this feafon of fuccefs, Mount Defiance alfo fell into our hands. I 
have taken poffeffion of the old french lines at Ticonderoga, and have fent 
a flag demanding the furrender of Ty : and mount independence in ftrong and 
peremptory terms. I have had as yet no information of the event of Col". 
Johnfons attack on the mount. My lofs of men in thefe feveral actions 
are not more than 3 or 4 killed and 5 wounded, the enemy's lofs : is lefs. 
I find myfelf in poffeffion of 293 prifoners. Viz. 2 captains, 9 fubs. 2 
Commiflaries non Commiffioned officers and privates 143. Britifli 119, 
Canadians 18 artificers and retook more than 100 of our men. total 293, 
exclufive of the prifoners retaken. — The watercra/t I have taken, is 1^0 
batteaus, below the falls on lake Champlain 50 above the falls including 
17 gun boats and one armed Hoop, arms equal to the number of prifoners. 
Some ammunition and many other things which I cannot now afcercain. 



&tate of the Expedition from Cajiada, by Burgoyne, p. xciv. Ed, 



Appendix. 349 

I muft not furget to mention a few Cannon which may be of great 
ferv'ce to us. Tho. my succefs has hitherto anfwered my moft fanguine 
expectations, I cannot promife myfelf great things, the events of war being 
fo dubious in their nature, but fhall do my beft to diftrefs the enemy all in 
my power, having regard to my retreat — There is but a fmall quantity of 
provisions at this place .which I think will neceffitate my retreat in cafe 
we do not carry Ty and independence — I hope you will ufe your utmoft 
endeavor to give me affiftance fhould I need in croffing the lake &c — The 
enemy but a very fmall force at fort George. Their boats are on an idand 
about 14 miles from this guarded by fix companies, having artillery — I 
have much fear with refpect to the prifoners, being obliged to fend them 
under a fmall guard — I am well informed that confiderable reinforcements 
is hourly expected at the lake under command of Sir John Johnfon — 
This minute received Gen^. Powals anfwer to my demand in thefe words, 
' The garrifon intrufted to my charge I fhall defend to the laft.' Indeed I 
have little hopes of putting him to the ntceffity of giving it up unlefs by 
the force under Colonel Johnfon. 

" I am & 
'' Genl. Lincoln.^ "John Brown." 

" We now turn to the fight at Diamond island, giving 
first the English version, simply lemarking as a prelimi- 
nary, that the postcript of a letter addressed, by Jonas 
Fay to Gen. Gates, dated Bennington, Sept. 22, 1777, 
is the following : 

" By a person juft arrived from Fort George — only 30 men are at that 
place and 2 Gun Boats anchor'd at a diftance from land and that the 
enemy have not more than 3 weeks provifion."^ 

"Writing from Albany after his surrender. Gen. Bur- 
goyne says, under the date of Oct. 27th, that 

" On the 24th inftant, the enemy, enabled by the capture of the gun 
boats and bateaux which they had made after the furprife of the floup, to 
embark upon Lake George, attacked Diamond Ifland in two divifions. 



Gates Papers, p. 154. 
Ibidj p, 208. 



350 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

" Captain Aubrey and two companies of the 47th regiment, had been 
pofted at that ifland from the time the army pafled the Hudfon's River, as 
a better fituation for the fecurity of the ftores at the fouth end of Lake 
George than Fort George, which is on the continent, and not tenable 
againft artillery and numbers. The enemy were repulfed by Captain Au- 
brey with great lofs, and purfued by the gunboats under his command to 
the eaft fhore, where two of their principal veffels were retaken, together 
with all the cannon. They had juft time to fet fire to the other bateaux, 
and retreated over the mountains."^ 

" This statement was based upon the report made by 
Lieut. Irwine, the commander at Lake George, whose 
communication appears to have fallen into the hands of 
Gates, at the surrender of Burgoyne. 

Lieut. Geo. Irwine, of the 47th, reports thus to Lieut. 
Francis Clark (Gierke), aid-de-camp to Gen. Burgoyne : 

" Fort George 24':h Septr. 1777. 
"Sir 

" I think it necelTary to acquaint you for the information of General Bur- 
goyne, that the enemy, to the amount of two or three hundred men came from 
Skenefborough to the carrying place near Ticonderoga and there took fevea- 
teen or eighteen Batteaus with Gunboats — Their defign was firft to attack 
the fort but confidering they could not well accomplilh it without cannon 
they defifted from that fcheme, they were then refolved to attack Diamond 
Ifland (which Ifland Capt. Aubrey commands) and if they fucceeded, to 
take this place, they began to attack the Ifland with cannon about 9 
o'clock yefterday morning, I have the fatiffaction to inform you that after 
a cannonading for near an hour and a half on both fides the enemy took to 
their retreat. Then was Gun boats fent in purfuit of them which occa- 
fioned the enemy to burn their Gun boats and Batteaus and made their 
efcape towards Skenefborough in great confufion — we took one Gun boat 
from them with a twelve pounder in her and a good quantity of ammuni- 
tion — we have heard there was a few kill'd and many wounded of them. 
There was not a man killed or hurt during the whole action of his Majefty's 



State of the Expedition from Canada,, p. 53. 



appendix. o r i 

Troops. I have the honor to be Sir your moft obedient and moft humble 
Sert 

" Geoe Irwine Com at Fort George 
<< Lt 47th" I 

•■' We next give the report of Col. Brown, who writes 
as follows, and not without chagrin : 

" Skeenfboro Friday 11 o'clock, am. Sept 26th 1777 
" Dear Sir 

" I this minute arrived at this place by the way of Fort Ann, was induced 
to take this route on ac^ of my Ignorance of the fituation of every part of 
the continental Army 

" On the 22 inft at 4 o'clk P.M. I fet fail from the north end Lake 
George with 20 fail of Boats three of which were armed. Viz one fmall 
floop mounting 3 guns, and 2 Britifh Gun Boats having on Board the whole 
about 420 Men officers included with a Determined refolution to attack 
Diamond Ifland which lies within 5 miles Fort George at the break of Day 
the next Morning, but a very heavy ftorm coming on prevented — I ar- 
rived Sabbath Day point abt midnight where I tarried all night, during 
which time I [5/V] fmall Boat in the fleet taken the Day before coming from 
Fort George, conducted by one Ferry lately a futler in our army, I put 
Ferry on his Parole, but in the night he found Means to efcape with his 
Boat, and informed the Enemy of our approach, on the 23d I advanced as 
far as 12 Mile Illand, the Wind continuing too high for an attack I fuf- 
pended it until the Morning of the 24th at 9 oclock at which Time I ad- 
vanced with the 3 armed Boats in front and the other Boats, I ordered to 
wing to the Right and left of Ifland to attempt a landing if practicable, and 
to fupport the Gun Boats in cafe they fhould need affiftance, I was induced 
to make this experiment to find the ftrength of the Ifland as alfo to carry 
it if practicable — the enemy gave me the firfl: fire which I returned in 
good earnefi:, and advanced as nigh as I thought prudent, I foon found that 
the enemy had been advertifed of our approach and well prepared for our 
reception having a great number of Gannon well mounted with good Breaft 
Works, I however approached within a fmall Diftance giving the Enemy 
as hot a fire as in my Power, untill the lloop was hulled between wind and 
Water and obliged to toe her off and one of the boats ib damaged as I was 
obliged to quit her in the action. 1 had two men killed two Mortally wounded 



Gates Papers J p. 212. 



352 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

and feveral others wounded in fuch Manner as I was obliged to leave them 
under the Care of the Inhabitants, who I had taken Prifoners giving them* 
a fufficient reward for their fervices. 

" I Run my Boats up a Bay a confiderable diftance and burnt them with 
all the Baggage that was not portable — The Enemy have on Diamond 
Ifland as near as could be collected are about three hundred, and about 40 
at Fort George with orders if they are attacked to retreat to the Ifland — 
Gen. Borgoine has about 4 Weeks Provifion with his army and no more, 
he is determined to cut his Road through to Albany at all events, for this 
I have the laft authority, ftill I think him under a fmall miftake — moft 
of the Horfes and Cattle taken at Ty and thereabouts were left in the 
Woods Genl Warner has put out a party in queft of them. 
" I am Dear Sr wifhing you and the 
" Main Army 

" great Succefs your moft obt 
"huml Sert 

" Genl. Lincoln " Jno Brown 

" NB You may Depend on it that after the Britifh Army were fupply 
with fix Weeks provifion which was two weeks from the Communication 
between Lake George and Fort Edward was ordered by Genl Burgoine to 
be ftor'd and no palTes given 

"The attack on the Ifland continued with interruption 2 Hours. "^ 

" Thus ended the fight at Diamond island ; a fight 
which, if attended with better success, might have per- 
haps hastened the surrender of Burgoyne, and resulted 
in other advantages to the American arms. As it was, 
however, the British line of communication on Lake 
George was not broken, while the American leaders 
took good care to prevent this failure from reaching the 
public ear through the press. Thus Col. Brown's re- 
ports to Gen. Lincoln remained unpublished. They 
have now been brought out and put on permanent record, 
as interesting material for American history." 



I Gates Papers, p. 220. 



Appendix. 2S3 

No. XI. 
Alexander Bryan, the Scout. 

" Bryan was a shrewd and somewhat of an ecentrie 
character ; and the events of his life, if generally known, 
would undoubtedly place his name among the patriots of 
his time and furnish a deserved monument to his memory." 
The hint which Dr. Steel thus throws out was acted 
upon by his grandson, John Alexander Bryan, who, a 
few years since, erected to his memory a monument in 
Greenridge cemetery, bearing this inscription : 

" In memory of Alexander Bryan. Died April 9th, 
1825, ^ged 92 years. The first permanent settler, and 
the first to keep a public-house, here, for visitors. An 
unpaid patriot, who, alone and at great peril, gave the 
first and only information of Burgoyne's intended ad- 
vance on Stillwater, which led to timely preparations for 
the battle of September 19th — followed by the memo- 
rable victory of October 7th, 1777." 

Alexander Bryan was born in 1 733. He was a native 
of Connecticut, and emigrated to New York early in 
life, fixing his residence in Dutchess county, where he 
married Martha Tallmadge, a sister of Senator Tall- 
madge's father. Some years afterward he removed to 
the town of Half-Moon, Saratoga county, where he kept 
an inn about two miles north of Waterford, on what was 
then the great road between the northern and southern 
frontiers. Here he continued to reside during the war 
of the American Revolution ; and his house, naturally, 



354 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

was frequently the resort of the partisans of the contend- 
ing powers — towards whom he conducted himself so 
discretely that he was molested by neither, but was con- 
fided in by both. His patriotism, however, was well 
known to the committee of safety of Stillwater, who 
through him were enabled to thwart many machinations 
of the tories. 

When General Gates took command of the northern 
army, he applied to the committee to furnish him with 
a suitable person who might act as a scout, and by pene- 
trating within the enemy's lines report their strength 
and intended movements. Bryan was at onte selected 
" as the best qualified to undertake the hazardous en- 
terprise." Nor was the choice of the committee ill 
advised. Bryan was a person endowed with great phy- 
sical powers of endurance ; well acquainted with the 
country ; shrewd, discreet, and reticent ; gifted with a 
fine address and prssence ; and, considering the meagre 
educational advantages of the time, possessed of much 
more than ordinary intelligence. By pursuing a cir- 
cuitous route, he arrived unmolested at the camp of the 
enemy, which, at this time, was situated in the vicinity 
of Fort Edward. He tarried in the neighborhood until 
he obtained the required information, and was convinced 
that preparations were making for an immediate advance. 
Then, on the 15th of September, in the early gray of 
the autumn morning, he started with the tidings. He 
had not proceeded many miles before he discovered that 
he was hotly pursued by two troopers, from whom, after 
an exciting chase, he adroitly managed to escape, and 



Appendix. 2SS 

arrived safely at the head -quarters of General Gates late 
in the following night. The intelligence he commu- 
nicated, of the crossing of the Hudson by Burgoyne, 
with the evident intention on the part of that general to 
surprise the American army at Stillwater, was of the 
greatest importance, and led immediately to the prepara- 
tions which resulted in the sanguinary engagement of 
the 19th of September. It is handed down as a tradition 
in the Bryan family, that Gates was in such haste to 
profit by this information — on which, from his know- 
ledge of Bryan, he implicitly relied — that he forgot 
either to reward or thank his faithful scout ; and, what 
is worse, he never mentioned the exploit in any of his 
despatches.' This circumstance is thus alluded to by 
Dr. Steel : *' The numerous and essential services which 
Bryan thus rendered to his country continued for a long 
time to excite the admiration and gratitude of his few 
remaining associates, to whom alone they were known, 
and by whom their importance could only be properly 
estimated ; and it is to be regretted that to the day of his 
death they remained unacknowledged and unrewarded by 
any token or profession of gratitude by his country." 

Mr. Bryan left five sons, Daniel, Jehial, Robert, John, 
and Alexander, and two daughters, all of whom are now 
dead. None of these, except Daniel, ever made any 
effort to have the services of their father acknowledged 



^ Gates seemed to have a habit or forgetting to mention in his despatches 
those to whom he was indebted for his successes. Arnold, for instance, 
who did such signal service in the action of October 7th, was never alluded 
to by him. 



2^6 Campaign of General John Burgoyne, 

and rewarded by the United States government. We 
have seen a letter from Daniel, accurately w^ritten, in 
1853, "^^ ^^^ ^g^ ^^ eighty-tv^o, in a clear, bold hand, in 
u^hich he speaks of an application made in his behalf, as 
the only surviving legal representative (by the Hon. 
John M. Parker, M.C., from that district), for an ap- 
propriation to pay the services of his father in the Bur- 
goyne campaign. The application failed because, as it 
is supposed, no witnesses could be found except those who 
had heard the facts traditionally, which was not deemed 
to be within the rules laid down by congress in such 
cases. For these reasons it is the more fitting that we 
should here permanently record and give prominence tp 
the patriotic deeds of this early settler of Saratoga. 

While, however, Bryan was the chief scout upon 
whom Gates relied, and who, as has been seen, was the 
first to furnish intelligence, yet the American general had 
others in his employ. John Strover (the father of the 
present George Strover of Schuylerville, N. Y.), had 
also the command of a party of scouts well acquainted 
with the country. " He was present," says General 
Bullard, "at the execution of Thomas Lovelace, a ma- 
lignant tory, who was hung upon an oak tree, about 
thirty rods south of where George Strover now resides. 
At that date the gravel ridge extended east as far as 
where the canal now is, and the oak tree stood upon the 
east point of the gravel ridge near where the store house 
of the Vicrory company now stands. When the Water- 
ford and Whitehall turnpike was constructed through 
there, about 1813, the stump of the old oak was removed 



Appendix. 2 SI 

by the excavation. John Strover had frequently informed 
his son George that Lovelace was buried in a standing 
posture, near the tree. When the excavation took place, 
George stood by and saw the bones, yet in a standing 
posture, removed from the very spot which had been 
pointed out by his father. During the campaign Bur- 
goyne employed Lovelace and other tories as spies, and 
they were generally secreted in the woods between here 
and Saratoga lake. One day Capt. Dunham, then re- 
siding near the lake, in company with Daniel Spike and 
a colored man, was scouring the woods, and while cross- 
ing upon a tree which had fallen over the brook east of the 
Wagman farm, discovered five guns stacked in the hiding 
place of the spies. With a sudden rush, Dunham and 
his associates seized the guns and captured all five of the 
spies, bound and brought them into the American camp. 
We have not been able to give the date of the arrest or 
execution of Lovelace, but think it was after the close 
of Burgoyne's campaign. Gen. Stark was then at 
Schuylerville and presided at the court martial before 
which he was tried. With a vindictive tory element in 
their midst, and the Indians on the borders, but little 
progress was made in permanently settling this county, 
until after peace was declared. 

Great and crushing as was the defeat at Saratoga, the 
war was not yet ended, and the struggle continued for 
five years longer. Nor did this locality escape the trials 
and hardships of those times which tried men's souls. 
The march and counter march of this hostile army with 
its barbarous allies, had completely desolated the whole 

31 



^^S Campaign of General John Burgoyne, 

region hereabouts. This county had been richly laden 
with the golden harvest and domestic animals for the 
use of the husbandman. As a specimen, the farm of 
James Brisbin had sufficient wheat and cattle to have 
paid the purchase price, but it was all taken and consumed 
by Burgoyne's army without compensation, notwith- 
standing the fair promises made in his proclamation of 
July lo, before stated. We should except a single cow, 
which escaped from her captors, returned home and was 
afterwards secreted and saved. After the surrender, the 
farmers gradually returned to their rural homes, erected 
new log houses, and began again to till the soil. But 
little progress, however, was made, until the close of the 
war, as this valley lay in the track of the Indians and 
tories, who had fled to Canada, and made repeated raids 
into this county." 

No. XII. 

Sketch of Charles de Langlade and his Rela- 
tions WITH BURGOYNE.^ 

When the war of the American Revolution broke 
out, Charles de Langlade was forty-six years old, but 
his age sat lightly upon him. At the solicitation of 
Captain De Peyster of Michilimakinac, he resolved, if 
his services were required, to take an active part in the 
war, which, according to the Miscellanies of this officer, 
''secured in our interest all the western Indians." In- 
deed, he was very soon authorized to raise an Indian 



^ Frum the Wisconsin Hist. Col., vol. vii. 



Appendix. 359 

force, and " attack the rebels every time he met them,'* 
to use the lancruage of Ci^ptain De Peyster's orders. 

Embodying a numerous force of Sioux, Sacs, Foxes, 
Menominees, Winnebagoes, Ottawas and Chippewas, 
Langlade marched for Montreal. Upon their arrival in 
that city, a grand council was held with all the cere- 
monies so dear to the Indians. Larocque, the interpreter 
of the Sioux, being unable to fulfill his functions, Lang- 
lade translated the speeches of the chiefs of that tribe 
into the Chippewa dialect, which was familiar to almost 
all the Indians of the northwest, interpreting afterwards 
into French all that was said in Chippewa. It is well 
known that a war feast preceded most Indian expeditions ; 
and care was taken on this occasion, that this ancient 
and solemn custom should not be omitted. At the ban- 
quet which was given, an ox was roasted whole, and 
served to these voracious guests, who speedily devoured 
it. Grignon's Memoir does not designate any of the 
particular services rendered by Langlade at the head of 
the warriors. It simply says that he took part in en- 
gagements under the orders of Major Campbell, in the 
English army commanded by General Burgoyne, upon 
the borders of Lake Champlain, and that he went with 
new recruits to Canada several times during the war. 

The army of General Burgoyne, about eighty-five 
hundred soldiers, and five hundred savages strong, was 
to invade New York and effect its junction with General 
Howe at Albany. It assembled at Crown point the 
thirtieth of June, 1777, and began its movement early 
in July. It had been proposed, says the Canadian his- 



360 Campaign of General John Burgoyne^. 

torian Garneau, to join with them a large number of 
Canadians ; but in spite of their coldness and uncertainty 
as to the future, the mass of the people were but little 
disposed to fight against the Revolution. Thus Burgoyne 
was able to induce only one hundred and fifty inhabitants 
to follow him,^ the others were overwhelmed with fatigue 
duties at home.^ 

Langlade rejoined Burgoyne's army with his savages 
at Skenesborough, now Whitehall, at the end of July, 
^777. He was accompanied by his brave old friend, 
Chevalier Luc du la Corne St. Luc,3 who though sixty- 



^ Anburey, in his travels, affirms that three hundred Canadians were 
enrolled in the army of Burgoyne. " This nation," says he, "sought not 
to be involved in a war of invasion which would expose them to repri- 
sals on their own territory." But Burgoyne, in his State of the Expedition 
from Canada^ page 10, declares positively that the number of Canadians 
who served in his army did not exceed one hundred and fifty. 

2 Histoire du Canada, vol. iii, p. 29. 

3 Luc de la Corn St. Luc, Chevalier de St. Louis, is one of the Canadians 
who exercised the greatest influence over the savages. One of his first 
exploits was the capture of Fort Clinton, in, 1747. He distinguished him- 
self at the battle of Ticonderoga, where he carried off a convoy of one 
hundred and fifty of Gen. Abercrombie's wagons. He took part in the 
battle on the plains of Abraham ; then at the victory of St. Foy, near 
Quebec, where he was wounded. He wished to go to France after the 
conquest of Canada ; but the vessel I'Auguste, on which he embarked, was 
lost upon the coast of Cape Breton, November 15, 1761 j and after this 
shipwreck of melancholy celebrity, in which, out of one hundred and twenty- 
one passengers, only seven escaped death, he returned to Canada, making a 
long and painful march through the woods, and remained permanently in 
the country. After the American war, St. Luc was appointed legislative 
councillor, and stoutly defended the political rights of the Canadians at an 
epoch when they were not always respected. He died at an advanced age* 



Appendix. 361 

six years old, had not hesitated at the request of the 
governor of Canada, Sir Guy Carleton, to take the di- 
rection of the savage bands which had come to reinforce 
the English army. 

Accgrding to Burgoyne, these children of the v^^ilder- 
ness did not render all the assistance that vi^as expected 
of them. They delighted only in pillage and theft, and 
were guilty of frightful murders. When there was the 
most need of their service, they began to disband, and 
very soon not one remained in camp. On this subject 
we adduce the testimony of Anburey, an officer of the 
English army, whose account is based entirely upon that 
of Burgoyne : 

" The general showed great resentment to the Indians 
upon this occasion,^ and laid restraints upon their dispo- 
sitions to commit other enormities. He was the more 
exasperated, as they were Indians of the remoter tribes 
who had been guilty of this ofFence, and whom he had 
been taught to look upon as more warlike. I believe, 
however, he has found equal depravity of principle reigns 
throughout the whole of them, and the only preeminence 
of the remoter tribes consists in their ferocity. From 
this time, there was an apparent change in their temper ; 
ill-humor and mutinous disposition strongly manifested 
itself, when they found the plunder. of the country was 
controlled ; their interpreters, who had a douceur in the 
capacity, being likewise debarred from those emoluments, 
were profligate enough to promote dissension, desertion 
and revolt. 



The supposed murder of Miss Jane McCrea. 



362 Campaign of General John Burgoyne, 

" In this instance, however, Monsieur St. Luc is to be 
acquitted of those factions, though I believe he was but 
too sensible of their pining after the accustomed horrors, 
and that they were become as impatient of his control as 
of all others, however, through the guide and interest of 
authority, and at the same time, the affectionate love he 
bore to his old associates, he was induced to cover the 
real cause under frivolous pretences of complaint. 

" At the pressing instance of St. Luc, a council was 
dolled, when to the general's great astonishment, those 
nations he had the direction of, declared their intention 
of returning home, at the same time demanding the gene- 
ral to concur with and assist them. This event was- ex- 
tremely embarrassing, as it was giving up part of the 
force which had been obtained at a great expense to 
government, and from whose assistance so much was 
looked for ; on the other hand, if a cordial reconciliation 
was made with them, it must be by indulgence in all 
their excesses of blood and rapine. Nevertheless the 
general was to give an immediate answer, he firmly re- 
fused their proposal, insisted upon their adherence to the 
restraints that had been established j and at the same 
time, in a temperate manner represented to them their 
ties of faith, of generosity, and honor, adding many other 
persuasive arguments, to encourage them in continuing 
their service. 

" This answer seemed to have some weight with them, 
as many of the tribes nearest home only begged, that 
some part of them might be permitted to return to their 
harvest, which was granted. Some of the remote tribes 



Appendix, 3 6 2 

seemed to retract from their proposal, professing great 
zeal for the service. Notwithstanding this, to the as- 
tonishment of the general, and every one belonging to 
the army, the desertion took place the next day, when 
they went away by forces, loaded with such plunder as 
they had collected, and have continued to do so daily, 
till scarce one of those that joined us at Skenesborough 
is left."^ 

If Burgoyne was unable to obtain more efficient aid 
from the savages, he had only himself to blame ; for, \i. 
we may believe the testimony of their principal com- 
mandant. La Corne St. Luc, Burgoyne had fallen into 
the fatal errors of more than one of his predecessors, 
and had not acted in such a manner as to gain the con- 
fidence of the Indian tribes, who had come many hundreds 
of leagues to fight under the English flag. 

We know that having Vv^on some easy triumphs, Bur- 
goyne afterwards suffered many defeats, and was at 
length ignominiously beaten at Saratoga, October 7th, 
1777, when he with his army was obliged to capitulate. 
On the 17th this disaster caused an immense sensation 
in England, and public opinion almost unanimously con- 
'Hemned the unfortunate general for the incapacity and 
improvidence he had shown. Burgoyne tried to justify 
his conduct by pamphlets, and by speeches in the House 
of Commons, where he had powerful friends. Desirous 
to throw the respongibility of his reverses upon others, 
he attacked with severity the conduct of the Canadians and 



^ Anburey^s Tru'veh, Lond. edition, 179I, i, p. 329-332. 



364 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

Indians, complaining bitterly of their indifference or de- 
sertion, and involving their intrepid commander in the 
same blame. ^ 

We have before us a speech pronounced by Burgoyne 
in the House of Commons on the 26th of May, 1778, 
in w^hich he brings the most injurious accusations against 
the character of La Corne St. Luc. This latter officer 
passed a part of the preceding winter in London, and 
had not hesitated to declare that Burgoyne did not seem 
to him so superior a commander as had been believed ; 
hence the resentment of the unfortunate general against 
this Canadian officer : 

" Sir, a gentleman has been in London great part of 
the vi^inter, who I wish had been called to your bar. It 
is for the sake of truth only I wish it j for he is certainly 
no friend of mine. His name is St. Luc le Corne, a 
distinguished partisan of the French in the last war, and 
now in the British service as a leader of the Indians. 
He owes us, indeed, some service, having been formerly 
instrumental in scalping many hundred British soldiers 
upon the very ground where, though with a different sort 
of latitude, he was this year employed. He is by nature, 
education, and practice, artful, ambitious and a courtier. 
To the grudge he owed me for controlling him in the use 



^ This general, says Garneau, wished to throw the blame upon the 
Canadians ; but in his army of eight thousand men, there were but one 
hundred and fifty combatants from our province. Burgoyne complained 
also in unmeasured terms of the conduct of M. de Luc, commandant of the 
savages 5 but this officer easily repelled the attacks of a man who was a 
better talker than captain. 



Appendix. i^G^ 

of the hatchet and scalping-knife, it was natural to his 
character to recommend himself to ministerial favor, by 
any censure in his power to cast upon an unfashionable 
general. He was often closeted by a noble lord in my 
eye (Lord George Germain) \ and with all these disad- 
vantages, as he has not been examined here, I wish the 
noble lord to inform the House, what this man has 
presumed to say of my conduct with the Indians. I know, 
in private companies, his language has been, that the 
Indians might have done great services, but they were 
discharged. Sir, if to restrain them from murder was to 
discharge them, I take with pride the blame — they were 
discharged. That circumstance apart, I should say that 
the Indians and Mr. St. Luc at the head of them de- 
serted.'" 

To this summons Lord Germain responded, that he 
had indeed had interviews with M. St. Luc, in which 
the latter had declared that General Burgoyne was a 
good officer with regular troops ; but that he did not 
seem to like Indians, nor to have taken the measures 
necessary to retain their good will. In short, St. Luc 
had said to him,^ " General Burgoyne is a brave man ; 
but he is as heavy as a German." 

When intelligence of the speech of Gen. Burgoyne 
reached de la Corne St. Luc, he replied to it by a very 
vigorous letter, dated at Quebec, October 23, 1778, 
which appeared in French, in the London papers. It 



Parliamentary History of England^ vol. xix, p. 1181, 
Ibid., p. 1 1 95. 



366 Campaign of General John Bur gay ne. 

produced an impression far from favorable to the cause 
of his accuser. In this letter, St. Luc says to General 
Burgoyne, that he has no right to treat him so inde- 
corously ; that his origin is as good as his own — his 
adversary was a natural son^ — that his fifty years of 
service were ample demonstration that he had never 
shrank from the dangers of war, and that he had achieved 
a reputation long before he, Burgoyne, had had an op- 
portunity to destroy one of the finest armies that had 
ever come into the country. He added, that if the In- 
dians had little by little deserted the English army, it 
was because Burgoyne had not given them enoagh atten- 
tion, nor taken sufficient care of them. In the affair at 
Bennington, August 16, 1777, when several hundred of 
the English were killed or taken prisoners, among whom 
were a good number of savages, the Indians were as- 
tonished to see, for instance, that Burgoyne sent no de- 
tachment to rally the stragglers of the vanquished body, 
or to succor the wounded, of whom many died. 

"• This conduct," says St. Luc, " did not give them a 
very high idea of the care that you would take of those 
who fought under your orders. The indifference which 
you manifested as to the fate of the Indians who took 
part in this (Bennington) expedition, to the number of 
a hundred and fifty, disgusted them to the last degree 
with the service ; for a large number of savages had per- 



^ An error. General Burgoyne was born in lawful wedlock — and tlie 
gossip at the time was as cruel as it was unjust. For proof of this in full, 
ice Fonblanque's Life of Burgoyne. — W. L. S. 



Appendix. 367 

ished on the battle-field with their redoubtable chief, and 
of sixty-one Canadians, forty-five only escaped death.'" 

In the council which was held after this unfortunate 
affair, St. Luc informed Burgoyne of the discontent of 
the savages, which very soon broke out in so open a 
manner, that they left the English camp altogether, 
because Burgoyne refused them provisions, shoes, and 
the services of an interpreter. 

" Respecting the reason for having deserted the army," 
says St. Luc to Burgoyne, "you should recollect that it 
is you who were the cause of my departure ; for, two 
days after the savages had left, you saw your error, and 
Brigadier General Eraser had already foreseen the con- 
sequences of your conduct in regard to the savages. 
You then sent for me to come to the brigadier's tent, 
and you asked me to return to Canada, bearing despatches 
to General Carleton praying his excellency to treat the 
Indians with kindness, and to send them back to you. 
This I did, and I should have joined the army, had not 
the communications been interrupted. * * * * 

" Be that as it may, notwithstanding my advanced age, 
sixty-seven years, I am ready to cross the ocean to justify 
myself before the king, my master, and before my country, 
from the ill-founded accusation that you have brought 



'^ Captain F. Montague, who took part in Burgoyne's campaign, declared, 
when questioned by a committee of the House of Commons, on the ist of 
June, 1779, that many savages quitted the army at different times after the 
defeat at Bennington, which corroborates the assertion of St. Luc on this 
point. See State of the Expedition from Canada, p. 75, 



368 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

against me, although I do not at all care what you per- 
sonally think of me." 

This letter, full of noble pride, received no reply that 
we know of, and Burgoyne contented himself with mak- 
ing a soothing allusion in a speech which he made before 
the House of Commons, the fourteenth of the following 
December. ^ 

While justifying himself thus completely, St. Lucatthe 
same time revealed in its true light Langlade's conduct 
in this campaign ; for, bound together by a close friend- 
ship, holding similar positions, they acted under the same 
inspiration, and had in view only the true interests of the 
cause for which they fought. If neither was well under- 
stood by General Burgoyne, his want of tact and justice 
towards them, were only too fully avenged at a later 
period. 

No. XIII. 

Letter of General Ebenezer Mattoon, a Parti- 
cipant IN THE Battle, with Notes by the Au- 
thor.^ 

The following account of the battle at Satatoga is 
from the pen of E. Mattoon, Esq., q^ Amherst, Mass. 
He was an officer in the army, and took a very active 
part in that memorable contest " which tried men's 
souls." The description is given in lively colors, and 
contains some important facts which have never before 



^ For this valuable letter from the Saratoga Sentinel of November loth, 
1835, I am indebted to the courtesy of my friend Mr. Lyman C. Draper 
of Madison, Wis., who first directed my attention to it. 



Appendix, 369 

been published. It cannot fail to be read with deep 
interest. 

Amherst, Mass., Oct. 7, 1835. 
Philip Schuyler, Esq. 

Sir : Yours of the 17th ult., requesting me to give you 
a detailed account of what I recollect of the battle at 
Saratoga, surrender of Gen. Burgoyne, etc., was duly 
received. 

When I left home on a visit to my friend Frost, at 
Union Village, it was my intention to have visited the 
ground on which the army of Gen. Burgoyne was met 
and compelled to surrender. But the absence of Mr. 
Frost prevented. Had I known, however, that a de- 
scendant of that venerable patriot and distinguished com- 
mander. Gen. Schuyler, was living on the ground, I 
should have procured means to pay him my respects. 

Gen. Gates, indeed, obtained the honor of capturing 
Burgoyne and his army ; but let me tell you, sir, that it 
was more through the wise and prudent counsels of your 
brave and distinguished ancestor, and the energy and in- 
trepidity of Generals Lincoln and Arnold, than through 
the ability and foresight of Gates. 

In my narrative, I shall confine myself to what trans- 
pired from the 7th to the 17th day of October, 1777, 
both days included. This will necessarily lead me to 
correct the statement of Gen. Wilkinson and a Mr, 
Buel^ in your neighborhood, respecting the fall of Gen. 
Fraser. By confounding the two accounts of the 19th 



^ For an account of Mr. Buel see Prof. Silliman's visit to the batth 
ground in the Appendix. 

32 



370 Campaign of General John Burgoyne, 

of September, and 7th of October, neither of them is 
correctly described. 

The action of the 19th of September, commenced 
about ten o'clock, a.m., and continued during the day, 
each army alternately advancing and retiring. On that 
day. Col. Morgan posted a number of his riflemen to 
take off the officers as they appeared out of the woods ; 
but no such posting of riflemen occurred on the 7th of 
October, Gen. Wilkinson to the contrary notwith- 
standing. 

On the 7th of October the American army was posted, 
their right wing resting on the North river, and their 
left extending on to Bemis's heights. Generals Nixon and 
Glover commanding on the right ; Lincoln, the centre, 
and Morgan and Larned the left.^ The British army, 
with its left resting on the river, commanded by Phillips ; 
their centre by Gen. Redhiesel,^ and the extreme right 



^ " The position thus selected lay between the Hudson river on the eas 
and Saratoga lake only six miles to the west 5 the high lands west of the 
river valley were cut by three deep ravines leading easterly, forming strong 
natural barriers against an approaching army ; the whole country in this 
vicinity was a wilderness, and the high ground approaches so near the river 
there, that it was the most advantageous point in the whole valley to dis- 
pute the passage of the British army moving from the north. Such was 
the place selected by the experienced Polish patriot Koscuisko, and approved 
by Gen. Gates, as the Thermopylae of the struggle for American free- 
dom." — General E. F. Bullard''s Centeiuilal Address at Schuyler-ville, July 
4, 1876. 

= Ried-esel, pronounced Re-day-zel, with accent on second syllable. The 
Cockneys in the British army pronounced it Red-hazel — whence General 
Mattoon's spelling of it is doubtless derived. — Author. 



Appendix, 371 

extending to the heights, was commanded by Lord Bal- 
carras ^ where he was strongly fortified. Their hght 
troops were under the command of Gen. Fraser and 
Lord Auckland.^ 

About one o'clock of this day, two signal guns were 
fired on the lek o\ the British army which indicated a 
movem^ent. Our tro.ips were immediately put under 
arms, and the lines manned. At this juncture Gens. 
Lincoln and Arnold rode with great speed towards the 
enemy's lines. While they were absent, the picket 
guards on both sides were engaged near the river. In 
about half an hour. Generals Lincoln and Arnold re- 
lumed to headquarters, where many of the officers col- 
lected to hear the report. General Gates standing at the 
door. 

Gen. Lincoln says, ^' Gen. Gates, the firing at the 
river is merely a feint ; their object is your left. A 
strong force of 1500 men are marching circuitously, to 
plant themselves on yonder height. That point must be 
defended, or your camp is in danger." Gates replied, 
" I will send Morgan with his riflemen, and Dearborn's 
infantry." 

Arnold says, " That is nothing ; you must send a 
strong force." Gates replied, " Gen. Arnold, I have 
nothing for you to do ; you have no business here." 
Arnold's reply was reproachful and severe. 



^ Balcarras, it may be remembered, was the officer who got into a serious 
altercation with Arnold in England — refusing to speak or recognize him. 
2 Ackland. 



372 Campaign of General John Burgoyne, 

Gen. Lincoln says, " You must send a strong force 
to support Morgan and Dearborn, at least three regi- 
ments." 

Two regiments from Gen. Larned's brigade, and one 
from Gen. Nixon's, were then ordered to that station, 
and to defend it, at all hazards. Generals Lincoln and 
Arnold immediately left the encampment, and proceeded 
to the enemy's lines. 

In a few minutes, Capt. Furnival'scompany of artillery, 
in which I was lieutenant, was ordered to march towards 
the fire, which had now opened upon our picket in front, 
the picket consisting of about 300 men. While we 
were marching, the whole line, up to our picket or front, 
was engaged. We advanced to a height of ground 
which brought the enemy in view, and opened our fire. 
But the enerny's guns, eight in number, and much 
heavier than ours, rendered our position untenable. 

We then advanced into the line of infantry. Here 
Lieutenant M'Lane joined me. In our front there was 
a field of corn, in which the Hessians were secreted. 
On our advancing towards the corn field, a number of 
men rose and fired upon us. M'Lane was severely 
wounded. While I was removing him from the field, 
the firing still continued without abatement. 

During this time, a tremendous firing was heard on 
our left. We poured in upon them our canister shot, 
as fast as possible, and the whole line, from left to right, 
became engaged. The smoke was very dense, and no 
movements could be seen ; but as it soon arose, our in- 
fantry appeared to be slowly retreating, and the Hessians 



Appendix. 373 

slowly advancing, their officers urging them on with 
their hangers. 

Just at this moment, an elderly man, with a long 
hunting gun, coming up, I said to him, " Daddy, the 
infantry mustn't leave, I shall be cut to pieces." He re- 
plied, " I'll give them another gun." The smoke then 
rising again, several officers, led by a general, appeared 
moving to the northward, in rear of the Hessian line. 
The old man, at that instant, discharged his gun, and 
the general officer pitched forward on the neck of his 
horse, and instantly they all wheeled about, the old man 
observing, " I have killed that officer, let him be who 
he will." I replied, "you have, and it is a general 
officer, and by his dress I believe it is Eraser." While 
they were turning about, three of their horses dropped 
down ; but their further movements were then con- 
cealed by the smoke. 

Here I will offer the reasons why I think this officer 
was Gen. Fraser, and that he was killed by the shot of 
this old man. In the first place, the distance. By actual 
measurement, was within reach of a gun. For the next 
morning, a dispute arising about the distance, some con- 
tending that it was eight rods, and others fifteen, two 
respectable sergeants, both of whom have since been 
generals in the militia of Massachusetts, Boardman and 
Lazell, were selected to decide the dispute, by pacing the 
ground. They did so, and found the distance from the 
stump where the old man stood to the spot where the 
horses fell, just twelve rods. In the next place, the 
officer was shot through the body from left to right as 



374 Campaign of General John Burgoyne, 

was afterwards ascertained. Now from his relative 
position to the posted riflemen, he could not have been 
shot through in this direction, but they must have hit 
him in front. Moreover the riflemen could not have 
seen him, on account of the smoke in which he was en- 
veloped.^ 

The troops continuing warmly engaged, Col. John- 
son's regiment coming up, threw in a heavy fire, and com- 
pelled the Hessians to retreat. Upon this we advanced 
with a shout of victory. At the same time Auckland's 
corps gave way. 

We proceeded but a short distance before we came 
upon four pieces of brass cannon, closely surrounded 
with the dead and dying ; at a few yards further we came 
upon two more. Advancing a little further, we were 
met by a lire from the British infantry, which proved 
very fatal to one of Col. Johnson's companies, in which 
were killed one sergeant, one corporal, fourteen pri- 
vates — and about twenty were wounded. 

They advanced with a quick step, firing as they came 
on. We returned them a brisk fire of canister shot, not 
allowing ourselves time even to sponge our pieces. In 
a short time they ceased firing, and advanced upon us 
with trailed arms. At this juncture Arnold came up 
with a part of Brooks's regiment, and gave them a most 
deadly fire, which soon caused them to face about and 
retreat with a quicker step than they advanced. 



^ Still, there seems no doubt that Murphy, by the orders of Morgan, 
shot Fraser j see Silliman's visit in the Appendix where he speaks of Morgan 
having told his friend, Hon. Richard Brent, to this effect. 



Appendix, 2>1 S 

The firing had now principally ceased on our left, but 
was brisk in front and on the right. At this moment, 
Arnold says to Col. Brooks (late governor of Massachu- 
setts), " Let us attack Balcarras's works." Brooks re- 
plied, •■' No. Lord Auckland's detachment has retired 
there, we can't carry them." " Well, then, let us attack 
the Hessian lines." Brooks replies, " With all my heart." 
We all wheeled to the right, and advanced. No fire 
was received, except from the cannon, until we got 
within about eight rods, when we received a tremendous 
fire from the whole line. But a few of our men, how- 
ever, fell. Still advancing, we received a second fire, 
in which a few men fell, and Gen. Arnold's horse fell 
under him, and he himself was wounded. He cried out, 
^' Rush on, my brave boys." After receiving the third 
fire, Brooks mounted their works, swung his sword, 
and the men rushed into their works. When we en- 
tered the works, we found Col. Bremen dead, surrounded 
with a number of his companions, dead or wounded. 
We still pursued slowly ; the fire, in the meantime, de- 
creasing. Nightfall now put an end to this day's 
bloody contest. During the day, we had taken eight 
cannon, and broken the centre of the enemy's lines. 

We were ordered to rest until relieved from the 
camps. The gloom of the night, the groans and shrieks 
of the wounded and dying, and the horrors of the whole 
scene bafi[le all description. 

Under cover of this night (the yth) the British army 
changed their position, so that it became necessary to 



37^ Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

reconnoitre on the ground.^ While Gen. Lincoln was 
doing this, he was severely wounded, so that his active 
services were lost to the army during that campaign. 
A powerful rain commenced about ii o'clock, which 
continued without abatement till the morning of the 9th. 
In this time, information came that Gen. Burgoyne had 
removed his troops to Saratoga. At 9 o'clock a.m., of 
October 8th, Captain Furnival received orders to march 
to the river, to cross the floating bridge, and repair to 
the fording place, opposite Saratoga, where we arrived at 
dusk. There we found Gen. Bailey of New Hampshire, 
with about 900 men, erecting a long range of fires, to 
indicate the presence of a large army. The British 
troops had covered the opposite heights with their fires. 
In the early part of the evening Col. Moseley arrived 
with his regiment of Massachusetts militia, when our 
company was directed by Gen. Bailey to make a show 
of our field pieces at the river. We soon extinguished 
their lights. Then we were ordered to pass Battenkill 
river, and erect works there, during the night. In the 
morning we perceived a number of officers on the stairs, 
and on the east side of the house, on the hill, a little north 



^ During a retreat, a " Mr. Willard, residing near the foot of tiie moun- 
tain opposite the battle ground, by night would display signals from its top 
by different lights, in such manner as from time totime to give the Ameri- 
cans the location and movements of the British army. That mountain 
tain is plainly visible from Albany and Fort Edward. It has ever since 
been known by the name of " Willard's mountain " That is certainly 
one of the earliest systems of telegraphing known to have been put in prac- 
tice. 



Appendix. 377 

of the Battenkill river, apparently surveying our situation 
and works. 

My captain being sick at the time, I levelled our guns, 
and with such effect as to disperse them. We took the 
house to be their head-quarters. "^ We continued our 
fire till a nine or twelve pounder was brought to bear 
upon us, and rendered our works useless. Next we 
were ordered to repair, in haste, to Fort Edward, to 
defend the fording place. Col. Moseley's regiment 
accompanied us. Some slight works were thrown up 
by us ; and while thus employed, a number of British 
officers appeared on the opposite side of the river. We 
endeavored to salute them according to their rank. 
They soon disappeared. 



^ This was the house, mentioned in the text, as the one in which Riede- 
sel was stationed. Speaking of this house, Gen. Bullard, in his centennial 
address says: '* At that time this house belonged to the Lansing family, of 
Albany and was probably occupied by them as a summer residence. It was 
deserted before the British army arrived from the north in September. It 
was a two story house, having a gable or French roof, fronting east with a 
hall in the middle and a room at each end. One of the old rafters and 
the plank of the partition, each shattered by a cannon ball, are still care- 
fully preserved on the spot by Mrs. JVIarshall. She has kindly placed in 
my hands a gold piece, found by Samuel Marshall on those premises about 
fifty years ago, which is stamped, " Georgius iii, Dei Gratia" with his 
profile on the one side, and on the other the British crown, 1776. This was 
evidently a coin lost by the officers in 1777." The house stands a short 
distance from the road on a gentle eminence, directly opposite the mouth 
of the Batten kil, and one mile north of the Fish kil. The room in which 
the wounded man lay, as narrated in the text, is the north east angle of 
the house 5 and the visiter can see on casting an eye across the river, that 
the cannon that did the mischief must have stood on a small eminence 
still visible on the eastern bank. 



37^ Campaign of General John Burgoyne, 

During this day (the loth) we captured fifty Indians, 
and a large number of Canadians and tories. We re- 
mained at Fort Edward till the morning of the 13th. 
Being then informed of the armistice which had been 
agreed upon, we were ordered to return to our position 
upon the Battenkill and repair our works. Here we re- 
mained till the morning of the 17th, when we received 
orders to repair to Gen. Gates's head quarters on the 
west side of the river. 




THE BATTEN KIL. 

As we passed along we saw the British army piling 
(not stacking) their arms ; the piles of arms extending 
from Schuyler's creek northward nearly to the house on 
the hill before mentioned. The range of piles ran along 
the ground west of the road then traveled, and east of 
the canal as, I am informed, it now runs. 



Appendix, 379 

Just below the island we passed the river, and came 
to Gen. Gates's marquee, situated on a level piece of 
ground, from 130 to 150 rods south of Schuyler's creek. 
A little south and west of this there is a rising ground,, 
on which our army was posted, in order to appear to the 
best advantage. A part of it was also advantageously 
drawn upon the east side of the river. About noon on 
the 17th, Gen. Burgoyne, with a number of his officers, 
rode up near to the marquee, in front of which Gen. 
Gates was sitting, attended with many of his officers. 
The sides of the marquee were rolled up, so that all that 
was transacted might be seen. Gen. Burgoyne dis- 
mounted and approached Gen. Gates, who rose and 
stepped forward to meet him. Gen. Burgoyne then de- 
livered up his sword to Gen. Gates, who received it in his 
left hand, at the same time extending his right hand to 
take the right hand of Gen. Burgoyne. 

After a few minutes conversation. Gen. Gates returned 
the sword to Gen. Burgoyne, who received it in the most 
graceful and gentlemanly manner. The rest of Bur- 
goyne's officers then delivered up their swords, and had 
them restored to them likewise. They then all repaired 
to the table and were seated ; and while dining, the 
prisoners were passing by.' 



^ Our favorite Yankee Doodle was also here first adopted as the hymn 
of freedom. Although some four verses of it were composed by a British 
surgeon about twenty years earlier at East Albany to ridicule the Connecticut 
brigade which then appeared under Col. Thomas Fitch, we do not find that 
it was ever adopted by our side earlier than October, 1777. After the 
British army had stacked their arms in Fort Hardy, October 17, they crossed 



380 Campaign of General John Burgoyne, 

After they had all passed by, a number of us went in 
search of a gun which was upon a carriage the day pre- 
vious to the 17th, near what was called the Hessian 
burying ground. But the tracks of the carriage were 
so confused, and the stench from the dead bodies was so 
offensive, that the search was discontinued. 

Thus I have replied to your inquiries, as far as my 
recollection extends. I should be very happy to meet 
you, and spend a day or two in walking over the battle 
ground, and entering into other particulars concerning 
that engagement, which however, are of minor import- 
ance. 

With much esteem, 

I am, dear sir, yours, 

E. Mattoon.^ 



Fish creek and passed south through the long lines of the American army. 
As our victorious host did not feel like insulting a fallen foe it was suggested 
that a lively tune be played for their consolation, and by common consent, 
the melodious Yankee Doodle was given by the whole American lines, 
while the rank and file of the British were passing between them. Unless 
some other locality shall prove an older title, you can justly claim that our 
famous Yankee Doodle was first sung in this valley, as the national tune 
of free America. The 4th Connecticut regiment did gallant service in the 
Revolutionary war at White Plains, Trenton and Saratoga, and Andrew 
Fitch, a son of Col. Thomas Fitch, was a lieut, col. in that regiment and 
probably had the pleasure of hearing that tune under different circumstances, 
from those under which his father heard it in derision twenty years earlier. 
^ Ebenezer Mattoon was born at Amherst, Mass., Aug, 19, 1755, and 
died there Sept. 17, 1843. The son of a farmer, he graduated at Dart- 
mouth College in 1776, and then joined the artillery company at the battle 
of Saratoga, and left the service with the rank of major. He was a dele- 
gate from Amherst to the conventions ; and was several times a member 
of the legislature. From 1797 to 1816 major general 4th division} ad- 



Appendix, 381 

Lett-er from the Due de la Rochefoucauld- 

LlANCOURT, WHO VISITED THE SURRENDER GrOUND 
IN 1795. 

"In 1795, the then Due de La Rochefoucauld- 
Liancourt visited the famous battle fields of Saratoga, and 
in his published account of his travels in the new world 
upon his return gives a graphic account of the scenes of 
Burgoyne's surrender. 

"I have seen," says the Due, "John Schuyler, the 
eldest son of the general. For a few minutes I had 
already conversed with him at Schenectady, and was 
now with him at Saratoga. The journey to this place 
was extremely painful, on account of the scorching heat ; 
but Saratoga is a township of too great importance to be 
passed by unobserved. If you love the English, are 
fond of conversing with them, and live with them on 
terms of familiarity and friendship, it is no bad thing if 
occasionally you can say to them, ' I have seen Saratoga. ' 

" Yes, I have seen this truly memorable place, which 
may be considered as the spot where the independence 
of America was sealed ; for the events which induced 
Great Britain to acknowledge that independence were 
obviously consequences of the capture of General Bur- 



jutant general of the state i8i6j state senator 1795-65 20 years sheriff 
of Hampshire; M. C. 1801-3 5 and in 1820, although blind, was a 
member of the state constitutional convention. He commanded the A. & 
H. artillery company in 18 17. Gen. Mattoon was a scientific farmer. — 
Drake i Biographical Dictionary. 

33 



382 Campaign of General John Burgoyne, 

goyne, and would, in all probability, never have happened 
vi^ithout it. The dwelling-house of John Schuyler 
stands exactly on the spot where this important oc- 
currence took place. ^ Fish creek, which flows close to 
the house, formed the line of defence of the camp of the 
English general, which was formed on an eminence a 
quarter of a mile from the dwelling. The English camp 
was also entirely surrounded with a mound of earth to 
strengthen its defence. In the rear of the camp the 
German troops were posted by divisions on a command- 
ing height communicating with the eminence on which 
General Burgoyne was encamped. The right wing of 
the German corps had a communication with the left 
wing of the English, and the left extended towards the 
river. General Gates was encamped on the other side 
of the creek at the distance of an eighth of a mile from 
General Burgoyne, his right wing stretched towards the 
plain ; but he endeavored to shelter his troops as much 
as possible from the enemy's fire until he resolved to 
form the attack. General Nelson, at the head of the 
American militia, occupied the heights on the other side 
of the river, and engaged the attention of the left wing 
of the English while other American troops observed the 
movements of the right wing. In this position Gen. 
Burgoyne surrendered his army. His provisions were 
nearly consumed, but he was amply supplied with artillery 
and ammunition. The spot remains exactly as it then 
was, excepting the sole circumstance that the bushes 



* This is of course, an error. — Autho 



Appendix, 383 

which were cut down in front of the two armies are 
since grown up again. Not the least alteration has taken 
place since that time. The entrenchments still exist ; 
nay, the footpath is still seen on which the adjutant of 
Gen. Gates proceeded to the English general with the 
ultimatum of the American commander ; the spot on 
which the council of war was held by the English officers, 
remains unaltered. You see the way by which the 
English column, after it had been joined by the Germans, 
filed oft by the left to lay down their arms within an 
ancient fort which was constructed in the war under the 
reign of Queen Anne ; you see the place where the un- 
fortunate army was necessitated to ford the creek in 
order to reach the road to Albany, and to march along 
the front of the American army. You see the spot 
where Gen. Burgoyne surrendered up his sword to Gen. 
Gates i when the man, who two months before had 
threatened all the rebels, their parents, their wives and 
their children with pillage, sacking, firing and scalping, 
if they did not join the English banner, was compelled 
to bend British pride under the yoke of these rebels, and 
when he underwent the two fold humiliation as a minis- 
terial agent of the English government to submit to the 
dictates of revolted subjects and a commanding general 
of disciplined regular troops, to surrender up his army to 
a multitude of half-armed and half-clothed peasants. To 
sustain so severe a misfortune and not to die with despair 
exceeds not, it seems therefore, the strength of man. 
This memorable spot lies in a corner of the court yard 
of John Schuyler ; he was then a youth twelve years 



384 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

old, and placed on an eminence at the foot of which 
stood Gen. Gates, and near which the American army 
was drawn up to see their disarmed enemies pass by. 
His estate includes all the tract of ground on which both 
armies were encamped and he knows as it were their 
every step. How happy must an American feel in the 
possession of such property if his bosom be anywise 
susceptible of warm feelings ! It is a matter of astonish- 
ment that neither congress nor the legislature of New 
York should have erected a monument on this spot re- 
citing in plain terms this glorious event and thus calling 
it to the recollection of all men who' should pass this 
way to keep alive the sentiments of intrepidity and 
courage and the sense of glory which for the benefit of 
America should be handed down among Americans from 
generation to generation." 

- No. XIV. 

Professor Silliman's Visit to the Battle 
Ground in 1820. 

The following account of the visit of Professor Silli- 
man to the battle ground — although he was not a par- 
ticipant in the battle — has value, from the fact that his 
relation is derived mainly from his guide, Major Buel, 
who was in the conflict. In the course of his narra- 
tive — to avoid repetition — wherever he has quoted 
from Wilkinson or Mrs. Reidesel, passages which are 
familiar to the readers of the text, I have placed stars. 
— W. L. S. 



Appendix. 385 

House in which Gen. Fraser Died. 

Ten o'clock at night. 

We are now on memorable ground. Here much pre- 
cious blood was shed, and now, in the silence and solitude 
of a very dark and rainy night — the family asleep, and 
nothing heard but the rain and the Hudson, gently 
murmuring along, I am writing in the very bouse, and 
my table stands, on the very spot in the room, where 
General Fraser breathed his last, on the 8th of Octo- 
ber, 1777. 

He was mortally wounded in the last of the two 
desperate battles fought on the neighboring heights, and 
in the midst of the conflict, was brought to this house 
by the soldiers. Before me lies one of the bullets, shot 
on that occasion ; they are often found, in ploughing 
the battle field. 

Blood is asserted, by the people of the house, to have 
been visible here, on the floor, till a very recent period. 

General Fraser was high in command, in the British 
army, and was almost idolized by them ; they had the 
utmost confidence in his skill and valor, and that the 
Americans entertained a similar opinion of him, is suffi- 
ciently evinced by the following anecdote, related to me 
at Ballston Springs, in 1797, by the Hon. Richard 
Brent, then a member of congress, from Virginia, who 
derived the fact from General Morgan's own mouth. 

In the battle of October the seventh, the last pitched 
battle, that was fought between the two armies, General 
Fraser, mounted on an iron gray horse, was very con- 



386 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

spicuous. He was all activity, courage, and vigilance, 
riding from one part of his division to another, and ani- 
mating the troops by his example. Wherever he was 
present, every thing prospered, and, when confusion 
appeared in any part of the line, order and energy were 
restored by his arrival. 

Colonel Morgan, with his Virginia riflemen, was im- 
mediately opposed to Fraser's division of the army. 

It had been concerted, before the commencement of 
the battle, that while the New Hampshire and the New 
York troops attacked the British left. Colonel Morgan, 
with his regiment of Virginia riflemen, should make a 
circuit so as to come upon the British right, and attack 
them there. In this attempt, he was favored by a 
woody hill, to the foot of which the British right ex- 
tended. When the attack commenced on the British 
left, "true to his purpose, Morgan at this critical mo- 
ment, poured down like a torrent from the hill, and at- 
tacked the right of the enemy in front and flank." The 
right wing soon made a movement to support the left 
which was assailed with increased violence, and while 
executing this movement. General Fraser received his 
mortal wound. 

In the midst of this sanguinary battle, Colonel Ador- 
gan took a few of his best riflemen aside ; men in whose 
fidelity, and fatal precision of aim, he could repose the 
most perfect confidence, and said to them : " That gal- 
lant officer is General Fraser ; I admire and respect 
him, but it is necessary that he should die — take your sta- 
tions in that wood and do your duty." Within a ^cw 
moments General Fraser fell, mortally wounded. 



Appendix, 387 

How far, such personal designation is justifiable, . has 
often been questioned, but those who vindicate war at 
all, contend, that to shoot a distinguished officer, and 
thus to accelerate the conclusion of a bloody battle, 
operates to save lives, and that it is, morally^ no worse, 
to kill an illustrious, than an obscure individual ; a 
Fraser, than a common soldier ; a Nelson, than a com- 
mon sailor. But, there is something very revolting to 
humane feelings, in a mode of warfare, which converts 
its ordinary chances into a species of military execution. 
Such instances, were, however, frequent, during the 
campaign of General Burgoyne ; and his aid-de-camp. 
Sir Francis Clark, and many other British officers, 
were victims of American marksmanship. 

Retiring at a late hour to my bed, it will be easily 
perceived, that the tender and heroic ideas, associated 
with this memorable house, would strongly possess my 
mind. The night was mantled in black clouds, and 
impenetrable darkness ; the rain, increasing, descended 
in torents, upon the roof of this humble mansion; the 
water, urged from the heights, poured with loud and 
incessant rumbling, through a neighboring aqueduct ; 
and the Hudson, as if conscious that blood had once 
stained its waters, and its banks, rolled along with sul- 
len murmurs ; the distinguished persons, who forty- 
two years since, occupied this tenement — the agonized 
females — the terrified, imploring children — and the 
gallant chiefs, in all the grandeur of heroic suffering and 
death, were vividly present to my mind — all the reali- 



388 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

ties of the night, and the sublime and tender images of 
the past, conspired to give my faculties too much ac- 
tivity for sleep, and I will not deny that the dawning 
light was grateful to my eyes ! 

The Battle Ground. 

The rain having ceased, I was on horseback at early 
dawn with a veteran guide to conduct me to the battle 
ground. Although he was seventy-five years old, he 
did not detain me a moment ; in consequence of an ap- 
pointment the evening before, he was waiting my ar- 
rival at his house, a mile below our inn, and, declining 
any aid, he mounted a tall horse from the ground. His 
name was Ezra Buel,^ a native of Lebanon, in Con- 
necticut, which place he left io his youth, and was set- 
tled here, at the time of General Burgoyne's invasion. 
He acted, through the whole time, as a guide to the 
American army, and was one of three who were con- 
stantly employed in that service. His duty led him to 
be always foremost, and in the post of danger ; and he 
was, therefore, admirably qualified for my purpose. 

The two great battles which decided the fate of 
Burgoyne's army, were fought, the first on the 19th of 



^ Called colloquially, in the neighborhood, Major Buel, a rank which 
he never had in the army, but which was facetiously assigned him, while 
in the service, by his brother guides. He is much respected as a worthy 
man — 1820. 

Major Buel, I believe, still lives. I saw him at Ballston Springs, in 
July, 1823, still active and useful, although almost fourscore; he was 
then acting as crier of a state court at that time in session at Ballston. — 
March, 1824. 



Appendix. 389 

September, and the last, on the 7th of October, on 
Bemis's heights, and very nearly on the same ground, 
which is about two miles west of the river. 

The river, is in this region, bordered for many miles, 
by a continued meadow, of no great breadth ; upon 
this meadow, there was then, as there is now, a good 
road, close to the river, and parallel to it. Upon this 
road, marched the heavy artillery and baggage, con- 
stituting the left wing of the British army, while the 
elite, forming the right wing, and composed of light 
troops, was kept constantly in advance, on the heights 
which bound the meadows. 

The American army was south and west of the 
British, its right wing on the river, and its left resting 
on the heights. We passed over a part of their camp a 
httle below Stillwater.^ 

A great part of the battle ground was occupied by 
lofty forest trees, principally pine, with here and there, 
a few cleared fields, of which the most conspicuous in 
these sanguinary scenes, was called Freeman's farm, 
and is so called in General Burgoyne's plans. Such is 



^ In May, 1821, I again visited these battle grounds, and availed my- 
self of that opportunity, in company with my faithful old guide. Major 
Buel, to explore the camp of General Gates. It is situated about three 
miles below Smith's tavern, (the house where General Fraser died), and 
is easily approached by a cross road, which turns up the heights from the 
great river road. It is not more than half a mile from the river to the 
camp. I found it an interesting place, and would recommend it to travel- 
ers to visit this spot, as they will thus obtain a perfectly clear idea of the 
relative position of the hostile armies, and of the route pursued by the 
Americans when they marched out to battle. The outlines of the camp 



390 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

nearly the present situation of these heights, only there 
is more cleared land ; the gigantic trees have been prin- 
cipally felled, but a considerable number remain as wit- 
nesses to posterity ; they still show the wounds, made 
in their trunks and branches, by the missiles of contend- 
ing armies ; their roots still penetrate the soil, that was 
made fruitful by the blood of the brave, and their 



are still distinctly visible, being marked by the lines ot" defence, which 
were throv.'n up on the occasion, and which,' although depressed by time, 
will long be conspicuous, if they are not levelled by the plough. My 
guide pointed out the ground occupied by the different corps of the army. 
Col. Morgan, with the Virginia riflemen, was in advance, on the right, 
that is, nearest the river 5 the ad'vance, was the post always coveted by this 
incomparable corps, and surely none could claim it with more propriety. 
There was much danger that the enemy would attempt to storm the 
camp of the Americans, and had they been successful in either of the 
great battles (Sept. 19, and Oct. 7), they would, without doubt, have at- 
tacked the camp. 

The most interesting object that I saw in this camp, was the house 
which was Gen. Gates's head quarters. I am afraid that the traveler may 
not long find this memorable house, for it was much dilapidated — a part 
of the roof had fallen in, and the winds whistled through the naked 
timbers. One room was, however, tenantable, and was occupied by a 
cooper and his family. From the style of the pannel work and finishing 
of this room, the house appears to have been, in its day, one of the better 
sort — the pannels were large and handsome, and the door was still orna- 
mented with brass handles. Here Sir Francis Clark, aid-de-camp to G&n, 
Burgoyne, being mortally wounded and taken prisoner, languished and 
died. Gen. Wilkinson has recorded some interesting passages of his last 
moments, particularly his animated discussions with Gen. Gates on the 
merits of the contest. The recollection of the fate of this brave but un- 
fortunate officer will always be associated with this building, while a single 
timber of it remains. 



Appendix. 391 

sombre foliage still murmurs with the breeze, which 
once sighed, as it bore the departing spirit along. ' 

My veteran guide, warmed by my curiosity, and re- 
calling the feelings of his prime, led me, with amazing 
rapidity, and promptitude, over fences and ditches — 
through water and mire — through ravines and defiles 
— through thick forests, and open fields — and up and 
down very steep hills ; in short, through many places, 
where, alone, I would not have ventured ; but, it 
would have been shameful for me not to follow where 
a man of seventy-five would lead, and to hesitate to ex- 
plore in peace^ the ground, which the defenders of their 
country, and their foes, once trod in steps of blood. 

On our way to Freeman's farm, we traced the line 
of the British encampment, still marked by a breast 
work of logs, now rotten, but retaining their forms ; 
they were, at the time, covered with earih, and the bar- 



My guide conducted me from the American camp along the summit of 
the heights, by the same route, which was pursued by our gallant coun- 
trymen, when they advanced to meet their formidable foe, and I had the ■ 
satisfaction of treading the same ground which they trod, in the silence 
and solemnity of impending conflict. 

In pursuing this route, the traveler, if accompanied by an intelligent 
guide, will have a very interesting opportunity of marking the exact places 
where the advanced guards and front lines of the contending armies met. 
In this manner we advanced quite to Freeman's farm, the great scene of 
slaughter, and thence descended again to the centre of the British en- 
campment on the plains. 

I There is a barn now standing near Freeman's farm, one of the beams 
of which contains a six-pound ball. It was imbedded in the tree out of 
which the timber was cut j and the builder considerately left the ball in as 
a memento. — W, L. S. 



39^ Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

rier between contending armies, is now a fence, to 
mark the peaceful divisions of agriculture. " This breast 
work, I suppose to be a part of the line of encampment, 
occupied by General Burgoyne, after the battle of the 
19th of September, and which was stormed on the 
evening of the 7th of October. 

The old man showed me the exact spot, where an 
accidental skirmish, between advanced parties of the 
two armies, soon brought on the general and bloody 
battle of September 19, 

This was on Freeman's farm, a field which was then 
cleared, although surrounded by forest. The British 
picket here occupied a small house,' when a part of 
Col. Morgan's corps fell in with, and immediately drove 
them from it, leaving the house almost " encircled with 
their dead." The pursuing party, immediately, and 
very unexpectedly, fell in with the British line, and 
were in part captured, and the rest dispersed. 

This incident occurred at half-past twelve o'clock f 
there was an intermission till one, when the action was 
sharply renewed ; but it did not become general, till 
three, from which time it raged with unabated fury, till 

night. 

* ^ * * 

General Burgoyne states that there was scarcely ever 
an interval of a minute in the smoke, when some British 



^ Major Forbes, of the British army, states, that the American picket 
occupied the house; both facts might have been true at different periods 
of the affair. 

^ An evident error, see text. — JV. L. S. 



Appendix, 393 

officer was not shot by the American riflemen, posted 
in the trees, in the rear and on the flank of their own 
line. A shot which was meant for General Burgoyne, 
severely wounded Captain Green, an aid-de-camp of 
General Phillips : the mistake was owing to the cap- 
tain's having a richly laced furniture to his saddle, which 
caused the marksman to mistake him for the general. 

Such was the ardor of the Americans, that, as Gene- 
ral Wilkinson states, the wounded men, after having 
their wounds dressed, in many instances, returned again 
into the battle. 

The battle of the seventh of October was fought on 
the same ground, but was not so stationary ; it com- 
menced farther to the right, and extended, in its various 
periods, over more surface, eventually occupying not 
only Freeman's farm, but it was urged by the Ameri- 
cans, to the very camp of the enemy, which, towards 
night, was most impetuously stormed, and in part car- 
ried. 

The intefval between the nineteenth of September, 
and the seventh of October, was one of great anxiety to 
both armies ; " not a night passed," says General Bur- 
goyne, " without firing, and sometimes concerted attacks 
upon our pickets ; no foraging party could be made 
without great detachments to^cover it ; it was the plan 
of the enemy to harass the army, by constant alarms, 
and their superiority of numbers enabled them to at- 
tempt it, without fatigue to themselves. By being 
habituated to fire, our soldiers became indifferent to it, 
and were capable of eating or sleeping when it was very 
34 



394 Campaign of General John Burgoyne, 

near them ; but I do not believe either officer or soldier 
ever slept during that interval, without his clothes, or 
that any general officer, or commander of a regiment, 
passed a single night, without being upon his legs, occa- 
sionally, at different hours, and constantly, an hour be- 
fore day light." 

The battle of the seventh was brought on by a move- 
ment of General Burgoyne, who caused one thousand 
five hundred men, with ten pieces of artillery, to march 
towards th-e left of the American army for the purpose 
of discovering whether it was possible to force a pas- 
sage; or in case a retreat of the royal army should 
become indispensable, to dislodge the Americans from 
their intrenchments, and also to cover a foraging ex- 
cursion, which had now become pressingly necessary.^ 
It was about the middle of the afternoon, that the Brit- 
ish were observed advancing, and the Americans, with 
small arms, lost no time in attacking the British grena- 
diers and artillery, although under a tremendous fire 
from the latter ; the battle soon extended, along the 
whole line : Colonel Morgan, at the same moment, 
attacked, with his riflemen, on the right wing; Colonel 
Ackland, the commander of the grenadiers, fell, 
wounded ; the grenadiers were defeated, and most of 
the artillery taken, after great slaughter. 



^ Also an error. "The foraging party," says Gen. Riedcsel, "was 
made the day previous to the battle of the 7th." The gathering of forage 
while the army were forming for battle was merely an incident. Hence 
the confusion which has arisen on this subject. — W. L. S. 



Appendix. 395 

At the end of a most sanguinary contest, of less than 
one hour, the discomfiture and retreat of the British be- 
came general, and they had scarcely regained their 
camp, before the lines were stormed with the greatest 
fury, and part of Lord Balcarras's camp, was for a short 

time in our possession. 

* * * * 

I was on the ground where the grenadiers, and where 
the artillery were stationed. "Here, upon this hill" 
(said my hoary guide), " on the very spot where we now 
stand, the dead men lay, thicker than you ever saw 
sheaves on a fruitful harvest field." " Were they Brit- 
ish, or Americans ?" " Both," he replied, "but princi- 
pally British." I suppose that it is of this ground, that 
General Wilkinson remarks, " it presented a scene of 
complicated horror and exultation. In the square space 
of twelve or fifteen yards, lay eighteen grenadiers in the 
agony of death ; and three officers, propped up against 
stumps of trees, two of them mortally wounded, bleed- 
ing, and almost speechless." 

My guide, proceeding with his narrative, said : 
" There stood a British field piece, which had been 
twice taken, and retaken, and finally remained in our 
possession : I was on the ground, and said to an Ameri- 
can colonel, who came up at the moment, ' Colonel, 
we have taken this piece, and now we want you to 
swear it true to America ;' so the colonel swore Lt true, 
and we turned it around, and fired upon the British, 
with their own cannon, and with their own ammunition, 
still remaining unconsumed in their own boxes." 



39^ Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

I was solicitous to see the exact spot where General 
Fraser received his mortal wound. My old guide knew 
it perfectly well, and pointed It out to me. It is in a 
meadow, just on the right of the road, after passing a 
blacksmith's shop, and going south a iqw rods. The 
blacksmith's shop, is on a road, which runs parallel to 
the Hudson — it stands elevated, and overlooks Free- 
man's farm. 

I saw various places, where the dead were interred ; 
a rivulet, or creek, passes through the battle ground, 
and still washes out from its banks, the bones of the 
slain. This rivulet is often mentioned in the accounts 
of these battles, and the deep ravine through which it 
passes ; on our return, we followed this ravine, and 
rivulet, through the greater part of their course, till they 
united with the Hudson. 

Farm houses are dispersed, here and there, over the 
field of battle, and the people often find, even now, 
gun-barrels and bayonets, cannon balls, grape shot, bul- 
lets, and human bones. Of the three last, I took from 
one of these people, some painful specimens j — some of 
the bullets were battered and misshaped, evincing that 
they had come into collision with opposing obstacles. 

Entire skeletons are occasionally found ; a man told 
me, that in ploughing, during the late summer, he 
turned one up ; and it was not covered more than three 
inches with earth ; It lay on Its side, and the arms were 
In the form of a bow ; it was, probably, s6me solitary 
victim, that never was buried. Such are the memo- 
rials still existing, of these great military events ; great, 



Appendix, 



391 



not so much on account of the numbers of the actors, 
as from the momentous interests at stake, and from the 
magnanimous efforts to which they gave origin. 

I would not envy that man his state of feehng, who 
could visit such fields of battle without emotion, or who 
(being an American), could fail to indulge admiration 
and affection, for the soldiers and martyrs of liberty, 
and respect for the valor of their enemies. 

General Eraser's Grave. 

Having taken my guide home to breakfast, we made 
use of his knowledge of the country, to identify with 
certainty, the place of General Eraser's interment. 

General Burgovne mentions two redoubts, that were 




i.'T 





■^^''/%^n'^§^'ms^:^i'^Mtif^$m^p ^^t^ -' 



THE ENGLISH ENCAMPMENT THE DAY AFTER THE BATTLE OF 
THE 7TH FROM THE DRAWING MADE BY SIR FRANCIS CLERKE. 



39^ Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

thrown up, on the hills behind his hospital ; they are 
both still very distinct, and in one of these, which is called 
the Great redoubt, by the officers of General Burgoyne's 
army, General Fraser was buried. It is true, it has 
been disputed, which is the redoubt in question, but our 
guide stated to us, that within his knowledge, a British 
sergeant, three or four years after the surrender of 
Burgoyne's army, came, and pointed out the grave. 
We went to the spot ; it is within the redoubt, on the 
top of the hill, nearest to the house, where the general 
died, and corresponds with the plate in Anbury's Travels^ 
taken from an original drawing, made by Sir Francis 
Clarke, aid-de-camp to General Burgoyne, and with the 
statement of the general in his defence, as well as with 
the account of Madam Reidesel. 

The place of the interment, was formerly designated, 
by a little fence, surrounding the grave. I was here in 
1797, twenty-two years ago j the grave v/as then dis- 
tinctly visible. 

* * ^ ^ 

On the present occasion, I did not visit the British 
fortified camp.^ When I was here in 1797, I examined 



^ In May, 1821, I again visited this fortified camp, and found it as 
perfect as it was when I saw it nearly twenty-three years before, and al- 
most every particular stated in the text was strictly applicable to it. It is 
about a mile from the river, and was certainly chosen with great good 
judgment, and had the American army attempted to take it by storm, it 
would evidently have cost them very dear. While at Ballston Springs 
during the late summer, some gentlemen of our party made an excursion 
to this place, and I learned from them, with extren)e regret, that the 
plow was passing over the fortified camp of. General Burgoyne, and that 
its fine parapet would soon be levelled, so that scarcely a trace of it would 
remain. 



Appendix, 399 

it particularly. It was then in perfect preservation (I 
speak of the encampment of the British troops, upon 
the hill, near the Fish kil), the parapet was high, and 
covered with grass and shrubs, and the platforms of 
earth, to support the field pieces, were still in good con- 
dition. No devastation, of any consequence, had been 
committed, except by the credulous, who had made 
numerous excavations in the breast works, and various 
parts of the encampment, for the purpose of discovering 
the money, which the officers were supposed to have 
buried, and abandoned. It is scarcely necessary to add, 
that they never found any money, for private property 
was made sacred by the convention, and even the public 
military chest was not disturbed : the British retained 
every shilling that it contained. Under such circum- 
stances, to have buried their money, would have been 
almost as great a follv, as the subsequent search for it. 
This infatuation, has nor, however, gone by, even to 
this hour, and still, every year, new pits are excavated 
by the insatiable money diggers.^ 



^ This appears to be a very common popular delusion 5 in many places 
on the Hudson, and about the lakes, where armies had lain, or moved, 
we found money pits dug 5 and in one place, th.y told us, that a man 
bought of a poor widow, the right of digging in her ground for the hidden 
treasure. 

Were Professor Silliman alive now (1877), he would find a stock com- 
pany organized and in active operation for the purpose of digging on the 
lower Hudson for the treasures of Captain Kidd. — W. L. S. 



400 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

The Field of Surrender. 
We arrived at this interesting spot, in a very fine 
morning ; the sun shone with great splendor, upon the 
flowing Hudson, and upon the beautiful heights, and the 
luxuriant meadows, now smiling in rich verdure, and 
exhibiting images of tranquility and loveliness, very op- 
posite to the horrors of war, which were once witnessed 
here. 




THE FISH KIL, NOW FISH CREEK. 

The Fish kil, swollen by abundant rains (as it was 

on the morning of October loth, 1777, when General 

Burgoyne passed it with his artillery), now poured a 

turbid torrent along its narrow channel, and roaring 

down the declivity of the hills, hastened to mingle its 

waters with those of the Hudson. 

* :H< * * 



Appendix, 40 1 

We passed the ruins of General Schuyler's house, 
which are still conspicuous, and hastened to the field 
where the British troops grounded their arms. Al- 
though, in 1797, I paced it over in juvenile enthusiasm,^ 
I felt scarcely less interested on the present occasion, 
and ao;ain walked over the whole tract. It is a beauti- 
ful meadow, situated at the intersection of the Fish kil, 
with the Hudson, and north of the former. There is 
nothing now to distinguish the spot, except the ruins of 
old Fort Hardy, built during the French wars, and the 
deeply interesting historical associations which will cause 
this place to be memorable to the latest generation. 
Thousands and thousands yet unborn, will visit Sara- 
toga, with feelings of the deepest interest, and it will 
not be forgotten till Thermopylae, and Marathon, and 
Bannockburn and Waterloo, shall cease to be remem- 
bered. There it will be said, were the last entrench- 
ments of a proud invading army ; on that spot stood 
their formidable park of artillery — and here, on this 
now peaceful meadow, they piled their arms ! their 
arms no longer terrible, but now converted into a glo- 
rious trophy of victory ! 

Reflections and Remarks. 

I have adverted but little to the sufferings of the 
American army, because but little, comparatively, is 
known of what they individually endured. Excepting 



^ In company with the Hon. John Elliott, now a senator from Georgia, 
and John Wynn, Esq., from the same state. 



402 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

the inevitable casualties of battle, they must have suf- 
fered much less than their enemies ; for they soon 
ceased to be the flying, and became the attacking and 
triumphant party. Colonels Colburn, Adams, Francis, 
and many other brave officers and men, gave up their 
lives, as the price of their country's liberty, and very 
many carried avt^ay with them the scars produced by 
honorable wounds. The bravery of the American 
army was fully acknowledged by their adversaries. 

" At all times," said Lord Balcarras, " when I was 
opposed to the rebels, they fought with great courage 
and obstinacy. We were taught by experience, that 
neither their attacks nor resistance was to be despised." 
Speaking of the retreat of the Americans, from Ticon- 
deroga, and of their behavior at the battle of Hubberton, 
Lord Balcarras adds : '^ Circumstanced as the enemy 
were, as an army very hard pressed, in their retreat, they 
certainly behaved with great gallantry j" of the attack 
on the lines, on the evening of the 7th of October, he 
says: "The lines were attacked, and with as much fury, 
as the fire of small arms can admit." 

Lord Balcarras had said, that he never knew the 
Americans to defend their entrenchments, but added : 
" The reason why they did not defend their entrench- 
ments was, that they always marched out of them and 
attacked us." Captain Money, in answer to the ques- 
tion, whether on the 19th of September, the Americans 
disputed the field with obstinacy, answered, "They. did, 
and the fire was much hotter than I ever knew it any 
where, except at the affair of Fort Anne;" and speaking 



Appendix, 403 

of the battle of October 7th, and of the moment when 
the Americans, with nothing but small arms, were 
marching up to the British artillery, he adds : " I was 
very much astonished, to hear the shot from the enemy, 
fly so thick, after our cannonade had lasted a quarter of 
an hour." General Burgoyne gives it as his opinion, 
that as rangers, " perhaps there are few better in the 
world, than the corps of Virginia riflemen which acted 
under Colonel Morgan." He says, speaking of the 
battle of September 19th, that, " {qw actions have been 
characterized by more obstinacy, in attack or defence. 
The British bayonet was repeatedly tried ineffectually." 

Remarking upon the battle of the 7th of October, he 
observes : " If there be any persons who continue to 
doubt that the Americans possess the quality .2inA faculty 
of fighting, call it by whatever term they please, they 
are of a prejudice, that it would be very absurd longer to 
contend with ;" he says, that in this action the British 
troops " retreated hard pressed, but in good orderj' and 
that " the troops had scarcely entered the camp, when 
it was stormed with great fury, the enemy rushing to 
the lines, under a severe fire of grape shot and small 
arms." 

In a private letter, addressed to Lord George Ger- 
main, after the surrender, he says : " I should now hold 
myself unjustifiable, if I did not confide to your lord- 
ship, my opinion, upon a near inspection of the rebel 
troops. The standing corps that I have seen, are dis- 
ciplined. I do not hazard the term, but apply it to the 
great fundamental points of mihtary institution, sobriety, 
subordination, regularity, and courage." 



404 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

It is very gratifying to every real American to find, 

^ that for so great a prize, his countrymen (their enemies 

themselves being judges), contended so nobly, and that 

their conduct for bravery, skill and humanity, vi^ill stand 

the scrutiny of all future ages. 

From the enemy it becomes us not to vi^ithhold the 
commendation that is justly due ; all that skill and valor 
could effect, they accomplished, and they v^^ere over- 
whelmed at last by complicated distresses, and by very 
superior numbers, amounting at the time of the surren- 
der, probably, to three for one, although the disparity 
vv^as much less, in the two great battles. 

The vaunting proclamation of General Burgoyne, at 
the commencement of the campaign ; some of his 
boasting letters, written during the progress of it, and 
his devastation of private property, reflect no honor on 
his memory. But, in general, he appears to have been 
a humane and honorable man, a scholar and a gentle- 
man, a brave soldier and an able commander. Some of 
his sentiments have a higher moral tone than is common 
with men of his profession, and have probably procured 
for him more respect, than all his battles. Speaking of 
the battle of the 7th, he says : " In the course of the 
action, a shot had passed through my hat, and another 
had torn my waistcoat. I should be sorry to be thought, 
at any time, insensible to the protecting hand of Provi- 
dence ', but I ever, more particularly considered (and I 
hope not superstitiously) a soldier's hair breadth escapes 
as incentives to duty, a marked renewal of the trust of be- 
ing^ for the purposes of a public station ; and under that 



Appendix. 405 

reflection, to lose our fortitude, by giving way to our 
affections ; to be divested by any possible self-emotion 
from meeting a present exigency, with our best facul- 
ties, were at once dishonor and impiety." 

Thus have I adverted, I hope not with too much 
particularity, to some of the leading circumstances of 
the greatest military event which has ever occurred in 
America ; but compared with the whole extent and di- 
versity of that campaign, the above notices, however 
extended, are few and brief. I confess, I have re- 
viewed them with a very deep interest, and have been 
willing to hear some of the distinguished actors speak in 
their own language. Should the notice of these great 
events tend, in any instance, to quench the odious fires 
of party, and to rekindle those of genuine patriotism — 
should it revive in any one, a veneration for the virtues 
of those men who faced death, in every form, regardless 
of their own lives, and bent only on securing to poste- 
rity, the precious blessings, which we now enjoy ; and 
above all, should we thus be led to cherish a higher sense 
of gratitude to Heaven, for our unexampled privileges, 
and to use them more temperately and wisely, the time 
occupied in this sketch, will not have been spent in 
vain. History presents no struggle for liberty which 
has in it more of the moral subUme than that of the 
American Revolution. It has been, of late years, too 
much forgotten, in the sharp contentions of party, and 
he who endeavors to withdraw the public mind from 
those debasing conflicts, and to fix it on the grandeur of 
that great epoch — which, magnificent in itself, begins 

35 



4o6 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

now, to wear the solemn livery of antiquity^ as it is viewed 
through the deepening twilight of half a century^ certainly 
performs a meritorious service, and can scarcely need a 
justification. The generation that sustained the con- 
flict, is now almost passed away ; a f^v^ hoary heads re- 
main, seamed with honorable scars — a hw experienced 
guides can still attend us to the fields of carnage, and 
point out the places where they and their companions 
fought and bled, and where sleep the bones of the slain. 
But these men will soon be gone ; tradition and history, 
will, however, continue to recite their deeds, and the 
latest generations will be taught to venerate the defend- 
ers of our liberties — to visit the battle-grounds, which 
were moistened with their blood, and to thank the 
mighty God of battles, that the arduous conflict termin- 
ated in the entire establishment of the liberties of this 
country. 

No. XV. 

Sergeant Lamb's Account of his Journey through 
THE Woods from Fort Miller to Ticonberoga, 

TO EXPEDITE SUPPLIES FOR BuRGOYNE's ArMY.^ 

During our continuance at Fort Miller, the writer of 
this memoir was selected by his oflicers to return alone 
to Ticonderoga, for the purpose of taking back some of 
our baggage which had been left there. Going unac- 



^ From a Memoir of His 0T.un Life, by R. Lamb, formerly a sergeant in 
the Royal Welsh Fusileers, author of a Journal of Occurrences during the 
late American War^ Dublin, i8i I. For the opportunity of copying from 
this rare work, the author is indebted to the unfailing courtesy of Mr. Lyman 
C. Draper, of Madison, Wisconsin. 



Appendix. 407 

companied on such a solitary route was dreary and dan- 
gerous ; but yet the selection of one from numbers, 
seemed to render the man chosen on the occasion, a 
depositary of peculiar confidence. He therefore under- 
took the duty imposed, not only without repining, but 
with alacrity. A small detachment if sent, could not 
pass unnoticed or safe by such a route through the 
woods, a distance of twenty miles ;^ and a sufficient 
force could not be spared on the occasion. The send- 
ing of a single soldier appeared therefore the most advisa- 
ble plan ; and it was ordered by General Burgoyne, 
that he should, after arriving at Ticonderoga, follow the 
royal army with the baggage escorted by the recruits, 
and as many of the convalescents remaining at that 
post as could march with it. Pursuant to this arrange- 
ment, he prepared himself, taking twenty rounds of ball 
cartridge, and some provisions. 

About noon he set out, and at four in the after- 
noon reached our former encampment. Fort Edward, 
where he stopped awhile to refresh. Thence he pro- 
ceeded with as much expe-lition as he could make to 
Fort Henry on Lake George.^ Almost eleven o'clock 



^ Lamb refers to the distance from Fort Miller to Fort George, where he 
would take water-carriage, and not of course, to the distance from Fort 
Miller to Ticonderoga. 

2 Meaning Fort George Fort Wm. Henry was then in ruins. Much 
confusion seems always to have arisen regarding these two forts. The 
French on Montcalm's expedition against Fort William Henry in 1757, 
(built by Sir William Johnson in 1755) spoke of going against Fort 
George — though this fort, which consisted of only a single bastion, was 
not built until several years after by Amherst. — W. L. S. 



4o8 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

2LX. night, becoming very weary, he laid him down to 
sleep a little in a thick part of a wood. Although the 
day was hot, the night dews soon awakened him shiver- 
ing with cold, having rested but about two hours ; then 
resuming his march for four or five miles he saw a light 
on his left, and directed his course toward it. Having 
gained the place, he was saluted by a man at the door 
of his house who informed him that a soldier's wife had 
been just taken in from the woods, where she was found 
by one of his family, in the pains of child-birth. Being 
admitted into this hospitable dwelling, the owner of 
which was one of the Society of Friends, or people called 
Quakers, he recognized the wife of a sergeant of his 
own company. The woman was delivered of a fine 
girl soon after ; and having requested her friendlv host 
to allow her to stop until his return from Ticonderoga, 
at which time he would be able to take her to the army 
in one of his wagons, he set out on his lonely route 
again. Previous to his leaving her, she informed him 
that she had determined to brave the dangers of the 
woods, in order to come up with her husband ; that she 
had crossed Lake George, and was seized with the sick- 
ness of labor in the forest, where she must have perished, 
had she not been providentially discovered by the kind- 
hearted people under whose roof she then was. It is 
worthy of remark that the author not long since in this 
city (Dublin), with great pleasure, saw the female, who 
was born as he before related, in the wilderness, near 
Lake George. She had been married to a man serving 
in the band of a militia regiment, and the meeting with 



Appendix. 409 

her revived in his mind the lively emotions of distressful 
and difficult scenes, which, although long passed, can 
never be forgotten by him.^ At Fort George, he was 
provided with a boat to take him across [sic) the lake to 
Ticondcroga. 

Lake George is situate southwest of Lake Champlain, 
and its bed lies about 100 feet higher. Its waters are 
beautifully clear, composing a sheet thirty six miles long, 
and from one to seven wide. It embosoms more than 
two hundred islands, affording nothing for the most part 
but a ground of barren rocks covered with heath, and a 
few cedar and spruce trees. On each side it is skirted 
by prodigious mountains. The lake abounds with fish, 
and some of the best kind, such as the black or Oswego 
bass, also large speckled trout. ^ It was called Lake 
Sacrament by the Canadians, who, in former times, were 
at the pains to procure its water for sacramental uses in 
their churches. 3 



^ Lamb furnishes the story of this woman's heroism two or three pages 
forward. 

2 This will be quite a revelation to fishermen of the present day — since 
it is generally supposed not only that the name Osivego bass is a modern 
one, but that the bass are a comparatively recent inhabitant of Lake 
George.— fF.L.S. 

3 The writer here, in common with Cooper, falls into a very common 
error. The French missionary, Father Jogues, named it St. Sacrament, not 
on account of the purity of its waters, but because he arrived at the lake 
upon one of the festival days of that ^name.^ The early Roman catholic 
discoverers, says the late Rev. Mr. Van Rensselaer, " frequently connect 



1 *■' lis arriverant, la veille du S. Sacrament, au bout du lac que est joint au grand 
lac de Champlain, Les Iroquois le nomment Andiatarocte, comme qui discit la ou le 
lac seferme. Le Pere le nomma le lac du S. Sacrament." — Relations, 1645-6, 



41 o Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

There are two island nearly in the centre of it; in 
one of which, called Diamond island, two companies of 
the 47th were stationed, commanded by Captain Aubrey, 
for the purpose of forwarding prisoners over the lakes. 
These islands were, anterior to this time, said to swarm 
with rattle-snakes \ so much so, that people would not 
venture to land on them. A bateau in sailing near Dia- 
mond island having upset, the people in it gained the 
shore, but climbed the trees for fear of the snakes, until 
they got an opportunity of a vessel passing to leave it. 
Some hogs, however, which had been carried in the upset 
boat remaining on the island to which they swam, were 
sometime afterward followed by the owners, who, to 
recover them, ventured ashore. They found the swine 
exceedingly fat, and, to their surprise, met but very few 
of the rattle-snakes which before had been so plenty. 
A hog being killed on the spot, made a good meal for 
the people. It was discovered by its stomach that the 
hog fed upon the rattle-snakes, and had nearly cleared 
the island of such noxious tenantry. 

The wild hog in the woods and the Indian himself 
are known to feed on snakes as a delicacy.^ * >!< ^i^ * 



the discovery of places with the festival name on the calendar." Mr. 
Cooper, in his Last of the Mohicans suggests the name of Horicon for this 
Jake, This, though quite poetical, is merely fanciful, as indeed he claims, 
and has not the merit of historical truth. The ancient Iroquois name of 
the lake is Atidiatarocte — "there the lake shuts itself." — PF. L. S. 

^"The Indians," says Farmer Hector St. John, "cut off the head, skin 
the body and cook it as we do eels, and its tlesh is extremely sweet and 
white." 



Ap-pendix, 411 

There are but two serpents whose bites or stings prove 
mortal, viz: the pilot or the copper-head, and the rattle 
snake. For the bite or venom of the former, it is said 
that no remedy or cure is yet discovered. It is called 
pilot from its being the first in coming from its state of 
torpidity in the spring, and its name of copper-head is 
taken from the copper colored spots of its head. The 
black snake is a good deal innoucous, and is remarkable 
only for its agility, beauty, and its art or instinct of 
enticing birds or insects to approach it. I have heard 
only of one person who was stung by a copper-head. 
He quickly swelled in a most dreadful manner ; a mul- 
titude of spots of different hues on different parts of his 
body, alternately appeared and vanished ; his eyes were 
filled with madness and rage ; he fixed them on all pre- 
sent with the most vindictive looks ; he thrust out his 
tongue as the snakes do j he hissed through his teeth 
with inconceivable strength, and became an object of 
terror to all by-standers. To the lividness of a corpse, 
he united the desperate force of a maniac ; they hardly 
were able to keep him fast, so as to guard themselves 
from his attacks \ when, in the space of two hours, death 
relieved the poor individual from his struggles, and the 
spectators from their apprehensions. The venom of 
the rattle-snake does not operate so soon, and hence 
there is more time to procure medical relief. There are 
several antidotes with which almost every family is 
provided against the poison of it. It is very inactive, 
and unless pursued or vexed, perfectly inoffensive. * * 
The author having arrived and completed his business 



412 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

at Ticonderoga, he accompanied the baggage over Lake 
George, attended by a number of seamen sent to work 
the bateaux on the Hudson river. On his returning he 
called on the good Quaker who lodged the sick wife of 
his fellow soldier ; but to his astonishment was told 
that, on the morrow after he left her there in child-birth, 
she set out to meet her husband against the wishes and 
repeated entreaties of the whole family, who were anx- 
ious to detain her until his return. She could not be 
pursuaded to stop, but set out on foot with her new 
born infant, and arrived safe with her husband, whom 
she had followed with such fond solicitude. She thus 
gave an instance of the strength of female attachment 
and fortitude, which shows that the exertions of the sex 
are often calculated to call forth our cordial admiration. 
In a short time the author had the gratification of 
conducting the stores and baggage for which he had 
been despatched, in safety to the army, and to receive 
the thanks of his officers, for the manner in which he 
executed the orders confided to him. By this convey- 
ance the forces obtained a month's provisions, and a 
bridge of boats being constructed upon the Hudson, on 
the 13th or 14th September, 1777, the royal army 
crossed it, and encamped on Saratoga plain. ^ 



"^ Lamb returned to England — having witnessed the surrender at York- 
town — in 1783, where he was affectionately received by an aged mother 
and a few kind relatives. " He then," the memoir concludes, " had to 
take counsel about a line of living to earn a subsistence j such is generally 
the result of a military life. He chose to become a school-master j an 
arduous occupation, which has enabled him for upwards of twenty-six 



Appendix, 413 



No. XVI. 
Burlesque Ballads on Burgoyne's Expedition.' 
the fate of john burgoyne. 

When Jack the king's commander 

Was going to his duty, 
Through all the crowd he smiled and bow'd 

To every blooming beauty. 

The city rung with feats he'd done 

In Portugal and Flanders, 
And all the town thought he'd be crown'd* 

The first of Alexanders. 

To Hampton Court he first repairs 

To kiss great George's hand, sirs ; 
Then to harangue on state affairs - 

Before he left the land, sirs. 

The Lower House sat mute as mouse 

To hear his grand oration ; 
And all the peers, with loudest cheers, 

Proclaimed him to the nation. 



years, to provide for, and educate a growing family, the source of satisfac- 
tion and solicitude. He was discharged without the pension ^ usually given 
for past services, and being frequently advised by his friends to apply for it, 
in 1809 (twenty-five years after receiving his discharge) he memorialed 
His Royal Highness, the Duke of York, and was graciously favored by an 
immediate compliance with the prayer of his petition'. He submits the 
memorial and its answer, in gratitude to the illustrious individual, who so 
promptly condescended to notice it as he did." 

I These ballads are from Griswold's Curiosities of American Literature^ 
and other sources. 

1 Occasioned by a mere technicality and red tape. See his Journal of the Ameri- 
can War^ page 435. 



414 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

Then off he went to Canada, 

Next to Ticonderoga, 
And quitting those away he goes 

Straightway to Saratoga. 

With great parade his march he made 

To gain his wished for station, 
While far and wide his minions hied 

To spread his Proclamation. 

To such as staid he offers made 

Of ^^ pardon on submission ; 
But savage bands should waste the lands 

Of all in opposition." 

But ah, the cruel fates of war ! 

This boasted son of Britain, 
When mounting his triumphal car 

With sudden fear was smitten. 

The sons of Freedom gathered round, 

His hostile bands confounded, 
And when they'd fain have turned their back 

They found themselves surrounded ! 

In vain they fought, in vain they fled, 
Their chief, humane and tender, 

To save the rest soon thought it best 
His forces to surrender. 

Brave St. Clair, when he first retired 
Knew what the fates portended ; 

And Arnold and heroic Gates 
His conduct have defended. 

Thus may America's brave sons 

With honor be rewarded,*" 
And the fate of all her foes 

The same as here recorded. 



Appendix. 415 



THE NORTH CAMPAIGN. 

Come unto me, ye heroes, 

Whose hearts are true and bold, 
Who value more your honor 

Than others do their gold 5 
Give ear unto my story, 

And I the truth will tell 
Concerning many a soldier 

Who for his country fell. 

Burgoyne, the king's commander. 

From Canada set sail 
With full eight thousand reg'lars, 

He thought he could not fail ; 
With Indians and Canadians, 

And his cursed tory crevv^, 
On board his fleet of shipping 

He up the Champlain flew. 

Before Ticonderoga, 

The first day of July, 
Appear'd his siiips and army, 

And we did them espy. 
Their motions we observed 

Full well both night and day, 
And our brave boys prepared 

To have a bloody fray. 

Our garrison they viewed them. 

As straight their troops did land, 
And when St. Clair, our chieftain, 

The fact did understand 
That they the Mount Defiance 

Were bent to fortify, 
He found we must surrender, 

Or else prepare to die. 

The fifth day of July, then,- 
He order'd a retreat. 



41 6 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 



And when next morn we started, 
Burgoyne thought we were beat. 

And closely he pursued us, 
Till when near Hubbardton, 

Our rear guards were defeated, 
He thought the country won. 

And when it was told in Congress, 

That we our forts had left. 
To Albany retreated. 

Of all the North bereft, 
Brave General Gates they sent us, 

Our fortunes to retrieve. 
And him with shouts of gladness 

The army did receive. 

Where first the Mohawk's waters 

Do in the sunshine play, 
For Herkimer's brave soldiers 

Sellinger^ ambush'd lay ; 
And them he there defeated, 

But soon he had his due. 
And scared^ by Brooks and Arnold 

He to the North withdrew. 

To take the stores and cattle 

That we had gathered then, 
Burgoyne sent a detachment 

Of fifteen hundred men j 
By Baum they were commanded. 

To Bennington they went ; 
To plunder and to murder 

Was fully their intent. 



1 St. Leger. 

2 A man employed by the British as a spy, was taken by Arnold, and at the sugges- 
tion of Colonel Brooks sent back to St. Leger with such deceptive accounts of the 
strength of the Americans as induced them to retreat towards Montreal. 



Appendix, 4 1 7 



But little did they know then, 

With whom they had to deal j 
It was not quite so easy 

Our stores and stock to steal j 
Bold Stark would give them only 

A portion of his lead : 
With half his crew ere sunset 

Baum lay among the dead. 

The nineteenth of September, 

The morning cool and clear. 
Brave Gates rode through our army, 

Each soldier's heart to cheer : 
" Burgoyne," he cried, " advances. 

But we will never fly; 
No — rather than surrender, 

We'll fight him till we die." 

^The news was quickly brought us, 

The enemy was near. 
And all along our lines then, 

There was no sign of fear; 
It was above Stillwater 

We met at noon that day. 
And every one expected 

To see a bloody fray. 

Six hours the battle lasted. 
Each heart was true as gold. 

The British fought like lions, 
And we like Yankees bold ; 

The leaves with blood were crimson. 
And then brave Gates did cry — 

" 'Tis diamond now cut diamond! 
We'll beat them, boys, or die." 

The darkness soon approaching. 

It forced us to retreat 
Into our lines till morning, 

Which made them think us beat; 

36 



41 8 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 



But ere the sun was risen. 
They saw before their eyes, 

Us ready to engage them, 

Which did them much surprise. 

Of fighting they seem'd weary, 

Therefore to work they go 
Their thousand dead to bury, 

And breastworks up to throw : 
With grape and bombs intending 

Our army to destroy, 
Or from our works our forces 

By stratagem decoy. 

The seventh day of October 

The British tried again, 
Shells from their cannon throwing 

Which fell on us like rain. 
To drive us from our stations 

That they might thus retreat ; 
For now Burgoyne saw plainly 

He never us could beat. 

But vain was his endeavor 

Our men to terrify ; 
Though death was all around us, 

Not one of us would fly. 
But when an hour we'd fought them, 

And they began to yield, 
Along our lines the cry ran, 

" The next blow wins the field." 

Great God who won their battles 

Whose cause is just and true. 
Inspired our bold commander 

The course he should pursue. 
He order'd Arnold forward, 

And Brooks to follow on 5 
The enemy were routed, 

Our liberty was won ! 



Appendix, 419 



Then, burning all their luggage, 

They fled with haste and fear, 
Burgoyne with all his forces 

To Saratogue did steer j 
And Gates our brave commander, 

Soon a<ter him did hie, 
Resolving he would take them 

Or in the effort die. 

As we came nigh the village. 

We overtook the foe j 
They'd burned each house to ashes. 

Like all where'er they go. 
The seventeenth of October, 

They did capitulate ; 
Burgoyne and his proud army 

Did we our pris'ners make. 

Now here's a health to Arnold, 

And our commander Gates ; 
To Lincoln and to Washington, 

Whom ev'ry tory hates 5 
Likewise unto our Congress, 

God grant it long to reign. 
Our Country, Right and Justice 

For ever to maintain. 

Now finish'd is my story, 

My song is at an end ; 
The freedom we're enjoying 

We're ready to defend ; 
For while our cause is righteous, 

Heaven nerves the soldier's arm. 
And vain is their endeavor 

Who strive to do us harm. 



42 o Campaign of General John Burgoyne, 

BURGOYNE'S ADVANCE AND FALL. 
An extract from America Independent. 

BY PHILIP FRENEAU,^ 

Led on by lust of lucre and renown, 
Burgoyne came marching with his thousands down ; 
High were his thoughts, and furious his career, 
PufF'd with self-confidence, and pride severe, 
SwoJn with the idea of his future deeds, 
On to ruin each advantage leads. 
Before his hosts his heaviest curses flew. 
And conquer'd worlds rose hourly to his view : 
His wrath, like Jove's, could bear with no control, 
His words bespoke the mischief in his soul j 
To fight was not this miscreant's only trade, 
He shin'd in writing, and his wit display'd. 
To awe the more with titles of command 
He told of forts he ruPd in Scottish land ; 
(Queen's colonel as he was he did not know 
That thorns and thistles^ mix'd with honors, grow ; 
In Britain's senate though he held a place. 
All did not save him from one long disgrace. 
One stroke of fortune that convinc'd them all 
That we could conquer, and lieutenants fall. 
Foe to the rights of man, proud plunderer, say 
Had conquest crown'd thee on that mighty day 
When you to Gates, with sorrow, rage and shame 
Resign'd your conquests, honors, arms, and fame. 
When at his feet Britannia's wreaths you threw. 
And the sun sicken'd at a sight so new 5 
Had you been victor — what a waste of woe ! 
What souls had vanish'd to where souls do go ! 
What dire distress had mark'd your fatal way, 



1 Philip Freneau — the poet of the Revolution, was a native of New Jersey. A 
volume of his poems published in Philadelphia in 1786, abounds in patriotic sentiments 
and allusions to various events of the war. He died in his native state at the advanced 
age of eighty years. 



AppendtJi. 42 1 



What deaths on deaths disgrace that dismal day ! 

Can laurels flourish in a soil of blood, 

Or on those laurels can fair honors bud ? 

Curs'd be that wretch who murder makes his trade, 

Curs'd be all arms that e'er ambition made ! 

What murdering tory now relieves your grief 

Or plans new conquests for his favorite chief; 

Designs still dark employ that ruffian race, 

Beasts of your choosing, and our own disgrace. 

So vile a crew the world ne'er saw before. 

And grant, ye pitying heavens, it may no more. 

If ghosts from hell infest our poison'd air. 

Those ghosts have enter'd these base bodies here, 

Murder and blood is still their dear delight — 

Scream round their roots ye ravens of the night ! 

Whene'er they wed, may demons, and despair, 

And grief, and woe, and blackest night be there j 

Fiends leagu'd from hell, the nuptial lamp display, 

Swift to perdition light them on their way. 

Round the wide world their devilish squadrons chase, 

To find no realm that grants one resting place. 

Far to the north, on Scotland's utmost end 

An isle there lies, the haunt of every fiend. 

There screeching owls, and screaming vultures rest, 

And not a tree adorns its barren breast ! 

No shepherds there attend their bleating flocks. 

But wither'd witches rove among the rocks : 

Shrouded in ice, the blasted mountains show 

Their cloven heads, to fright the seas below 5 

The lamp of heaven in his diurnal race 

Here scarcely deigns to unveil his radiant face ; 

Or if one day he circling treads the sky 

He views this island with an angry eye ; 

Or ambient fogs their broad, moist wings expand. 

Damp his bright ray, and cloud the infernal land ; 

The blackening wind incessant storms prolong. 

Dull as their night, and dreary as my song ; 



422 Campaign of General John Burgoyne, 

When stormy winds with rain refuse to blow, 
Then from the dark sky drives the unpitying snow; 
When drifting snow from iron clouds forbear 
Then down the hailstones rattle through the air. 
No peace no rest, the elements bestow, 
But seas forever rage, and storms forever blow. 
Here, miscreants, here with loyal hearts retire. 
Here pitch your tents, and kindle here your fire ; 
Here desert nature will her stings display, 
And fiercest hunger on your vitals prey, 
And with yourselves let John Burgoyne retire 
To reign the monarch, whom your hearts admire. 

THE CAPTURE AT SARATOGA.^ 

Here followeth the direful fate, 

Of Burgoyne and his army great. 

Who so proudly did display 

The terrors of despotic sway. 

His power and pride and many threats 

Have been brought low by fort'nate Gates, 

To bend to the United States, 
British prisoners by convention, - - 2442 

Foreigners by contravention, - - - 2198 

Tories sent across the lake, - - - 11 00 

Burgoyne and his suite in state, - - - 12 

Sick and wounded, bruised and pounded, 
Ne'er so much before confounded. 
Prisoners of war before convention - - 400 

Deserters come with kind intention, - - 300 

They lost at Bennington's great battle, ~(^ 
Where Stark's glorious arms did rattle, J 
Killed in September and October, - 600 

Ta'en by brave Brown, some drunk, some sober, 41 3 

Slain by high-famed Herkerman, ^ 
On both flanks, on rear and van, J 



528 



1220 



300 



From a contemporary magazine. 



Appendix. 



423 



Indians, settlers, butchers, drovers. 
Enough to crowd large plains all over 
And those whom grim health did prevent 
From fighting against our continent j 
And also those who stole away, 
Lest they down their arms should lay, 
Abhorring that obnoxious day 5 
The whole make fourteen thousand men, |^ 
Who may not with us fight again, i 

This is a pretty just account 
Of Burgoyne's legions' whole amount, 
Who came across the northern lakes 
To desolate^ur happy states. 
Their brass cannon we have got all, 
Fifty-six — both great and small : 
And ten thousand stand of arms. 
To prevent all future harms : 
Stores and implements complete. 
Of workmanship exceeding neatj 
Covered wagons in great plenty, 
- And proper harness, no ways scanty. 
Among our prisoners there are 
Six generals of fame most rare j 
Six members of their parliament 
Reluctantly they seem content : 
Three British lords, and Lord Balcarras 
Who came our country free to harass. 
Two baronets of high extraction 
Were sorely wounded in the action. 



4413 



14000 



THE BATTLE OF BENNINGTON, AUGUST 16, 1777. 



BY REV. THOMAS P. RODMAN. 



Up through a cloudy sky, the sun 

Was buffeting his way 
On such a morn as ushers in 

A sultry August day. 



424 Campaign of General John Burgoyne, 

Hot was the air — and hotter yet, 
Men's thought within them grew ; 

They Britons, Hessians, Tories, saw, 
They saw their homesteads too ! 

They thought of all their country's wrongs ; 

They thought of noble lives, 
Poured out in battle with their foes j — 

They thought upon their wives. 
Their children and their aged sires. 

Their firesides, churches, God ! 
And these deep thoughts made hallowed ground 

Each foot of soil they trod. 

Their leader was a veteran man — 

A man of earnest will ; — 
His very presence was a host j 

He'd fought at Bunker's hill ! 
A li'ving monument he stood. 

Of stirring deeds of fame ; 
Of deeds that shed a fadeless light. 

Of his own deathless name ! 

Of Charlestown's flames, of Warren's blood. 

His presence told the tale ; 
It made each patriot's heart beat quick. 

Though lip and cheek grew pale j 
It spoke of Princeton, Morristown ; — 

Told Trenton's thrilling story j 
It lit futurity with hope, 

And on the past shed glory. 

Who were those men ? their leader, who ? 

Where stood they on that morn ? 
The men were northern yeomanry, 

Brave men as e'er were born j 
Who, in the reaper's merry row, 

Or warrior's rank could stand ; 
Right worthy such a noble troop — 

John Stark led on the band. 



Appendix, 42 c 



Walloomsac wanders by the spot 

Where they^ that morning, stood 5 
Then rolled the war cloud o'er the stream, 

The waves were tinged with blood ; 
And the near hills that dark cloud girt, 

And fires like lightning flashed j 
And shrieks and groans, like howling blasts, 

Rose as the bayonets clashed. 

The night before, the Yankee host 

Came gathering from afar. 
And in each belted bosom glowed 

The spirit of the war ! 
All full of figh't, through rainy storm, 

Night cloudy, starless, dark — 
They came and gathered as they came, 

Around the valiant Stark ! 

There was a Berkshire parson — he 

And all his flock were there, 
And like true churchmen militant. 

The arm of flesh made bare. 
Out spoke the Dominie, and said : — 

*' For battle have we come. 
These many times : and after this, 

We mean to stay at home, 

" If now we come in vain" — Said Stark : 

" What ! would you go to-night. 
To battle it with yonder troops } 

God send us morning light, 
And we will give you work enough j 

Let but the morning come, 
And if ye hear no voice of war, 

Go back and stay at home." 

The morning came — there stood the foe ; — 

Stark eyed them as they stood ; 
Few words he spoke — 'twas not a time 

For moralizing mood : 



426 Campaign of General John Burgoyne, 

" See there, the enemy, my boys — 

Now, strong in valor's might, 
Beat them, or Betty ^ Stark will sleep 

In widowhood to-night ! " 

Each soldier there had left at home, 

A sweetheart, wife or mother ; 
A blooming sister, or perchance, 

A fair haired, blue eyed brother 5 
Each from a fireside came, and thoughts 

These simple words awoke, 
That nerved up every warrior's arm. 

And guided every stroke. 

Fireside and woman — mighty words ! 

How wond'rous is the spell 
They work upon the manly heart, 

Who knoweth not full well ? 
And then the tvomen of this land, 

That never land hath known 
A truer, nobler hearted race, 

Each Yankee boy must own. 

Brief eloquence was Stark's — not vain ; 

Scarce uttered he the words. 
When burst the musket's rattling peal 5 

Out leaped the flashing swords. 
And when brave Stark in after time. 

Told the proud tale of wonder, 
He said " the battle din was one 

Continual clap of thunder." 

Two hours they strove, when victory crowned 

The valiant Yankee boys 5 
Nought but the memory of the dead 

Bedimmed their glorious joys ! 



General Stark's wife's name was Elixaheth Pag*. 



Appendix, 427 



Aye — there's the rub j the hour of strife, 

Though follow years of fame, 
Is still in mournful memory linked 

With some death-hallowed name. 

The cypress with the laurel twines — 

The Paean sounds a knell — 
The trophied column marks the spot 

Where friends and brothers fell ! 
Fame's mantle, a funeral pall 

Seems to the grief dimmed eye j 
For ever where the bravest fall, 

The best beloved die ! 

TO THE RELICS OF MY BRITISH GRENADIER. 

BY E. W. B. CANNING. 

I have in my possession a portion of the skeleton of a British officer of 
the grenadiers, who was killed in the battle of Oct. 5th, 1777, which was 
accidentally exhumed in the spring of 1852. The skull has a perforation 
through the right temple, and tife bullet that made it was found inside. 
A portion of his uniform coat bears the color and texture of the cloth and 
two heavily gold plated buttons, after a burial of seventy-five years. 
Strange bivouac, old Grenadier, 
Thou in my quiet study here, 

Hast found at last 5 
While I, who life's campaign began 
When thou for forty years hadst done, 
Patrol the past. 

had your hollow skull a brain, 
Your bony mouth a tongue again, 

I know full well 
In ivhy''s and ivhen''s and hoiv^s you'd find 
A Yankee of the bluest kind 

Your sentinel. 

1 guess for many an hour we'd join 
In talk about Sir John Burgoyne, 

And the "whole boodle," 



428 Campaign of General John Burgoyne, 



Who 'gan their game of brag in June, 
But on one bright October noon 
Laid pride and arms down to the tune 
Of Yankee Doodle. 

Just as old Dido ached of old 
To be by brave ^neas told 

(^uantus Achilles — 
(^uales" — but I can't write it all — 
So I am prurient to recall 
How once our fathers pounded small 

King George's follies. 

I long for more about that day 
When Rebels met in grim array 

The Regulars : 
When trumpet clang and plunging shot 
And shouting made the battle hot 

About their ears. 

When Dearborn, Poor, and Patterson, 
And Cilley, Brooks and Livingston, 

With hearts of steel, 
Met Phillips, Fraser, Hamilton, 
Rolling the tide of slaughter on, 

And made them reel. 

When Morgan and his riflemen 
" Bearded the lion in his den," 

And signed his name; 
While Arnold — battle's thunderbolt — 
Flashed, like a comet on a colt. 

About the plain — 

I'd ask what gallant Frazer said. 
When bullet from the tree top sped, 

Its work had done : 
How stout old earl Balcarras tore. 
When Yankees " true to Freedom swore 

His twelve pound gun. 



Appendix, 429 



How many inches on that day 
The visage of Burgoyne, I pray, 

A lengthening went? 
Didst hear him say — as once before — 
That with ten thousand men — no more - 
He'd conquering walk from shore to shore 

The continent ? 

But I forget, old Grenadier, 
You never lived yourself, to hear 

What others said : 
A luckless missile found you out, 
And, killing instantly no doubt, 

It bored your head. 

For seventy-five long years, old brave, 
You occupied your shallow grave — 

No gun to stir 5 
At length by plough and not by drum 
Disturbed your huge wreck has become 

My prisoner. 

And now I'll keep you guarding there 
All of your coat the mould could spare. 

And darkling worm j 
With the gashed ball by which you died. 
And buttons, too, that lit with pride 

Your uniform. 

To those infused with martial leaven. 
Of Bemis's Heights in '77 

You'll tell for long : 
Aye — and perchance some bard may troll 
From out that ragged bullet hole. 

Another song. 



37 



43 o Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

THE BURIAL OF GEN. ERASER. 

Read before the Annual Meeting of the Saratoga Monument Association, 1874, 
by E. W. B. Canning, Esq. 

On Saratoga's crimsoned field, 

When battle's volleyed roar was done, 
Mild autumn's mellow light revealed 

The glories of the setting sun. 
On furrow, fence and tree that bear 

The iron marks of battling men. 
The radiance burneth calm and fair, 

As tho' earth aye had sinless been. 
The gory sods, all scathed and scarred, 

And piled in trenched mounds declare 
That mutual foeman, fallen, marred. 

Have found a final bivouac there. 
And list ! from yonder bulwarked height 

The faint-heard martial signals come : 
For those who keep the watch to-night 

Are gathering at the evening drum. 

So, Saratoga, lay thy field 

When freedom, 'mid the shock of steel. 
Made Britain's rampant lion yield. 

And crushed his terrors 'neath her heel. 
Proudly the freeman points to thee. 

And speaks thy unforgotten namej 
While on her page bright history 

For children's children writes thy fame. 

As the last sunbeam kissed the trees 

That sighed amid its dying glow. 
Borne softly on the evening breeze 

Floated the soldier's note of woe. 
From out the Briton's guarded lines, 

With wailing fife and muffled drum. 
While gleaming gold with scarlet shines, 

A band of mourning warriors come. 
With arms reversed, all sad and slow, 



Appendix, 43 1 



And measured tread of martial men, 
Forth on their lengthened path they go, 

But not to wake the strife again. 
No plunging haste of battles there, 

No serried ranks or bristling lines 5 
No furious coursers headlong bear 

Their riders where the death flash shines. 
The pennon is the soldiers' pall, 

The battery for the bier is changed. 
And plumes of nodding sable all 

On chieftains' brows are round it ranged. 
The noblest leader of the host 

They carry to his dreamless sleep ; 
The heart of British hope is lost, 

And vain the tears that Britons weep. 
Thine arm of valor, proud Burgoyne, 

Is paralyzed for ever now ; 
While sorrow-stricken comrades join 

Fondly to wreathe dead Fraser's brow. 

On yonder hill that skirts the plain, 

A lone redoubt with haste upraised, 
O'erlooks around the trampled grain, 

Where oft the dying hero gazed. 
•" Bury me there at set of sun, " 

(His latest words of ebbing life) 
" 'Tis mine to see no triumph won, 

Or mingle with the final strife. 
If gloom awaits our path of fame, 

I die before the ill befalls ; 
These ears shall tingle not with shame, 

Nor longer list when glory calls. 
At set of sun, in yon redoubt. 

Lay me to rest as rest the brave. " 
The flickering lamp of life went out. 

And strangers' land must yield a grave. 

Slowly in mournful march they wend 
Their upward pathway to the tomb j 



43 2 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 



Unwittingly the foemen send 

Their shots around amid the gloom. 
They reach the height, commit their trust, 

And reverent all uncovered stand ; 
While booming shots updash the dust 

In clouds about the listening band. 
Robed and with dignity serene, 

The man of God reads calmly on ; 
No terror marks his quiet mien, 

As hoarse responds the distant gun. 
" Earth to earth and dust to dust : 

Thus the solemn accents fallj 
Each receives her precious trust, 

Evening saddens over all. 
Pile the mound ; no living form 

Nobler soul enshrines than he. 
Now bequeathed the darkling worm — 

Pride of Albion's chivalry ! 
All is done : there wait for thee, 

Fallen chief, no more alarms ; 
But thy peers anon must see 

Hapless " field of grounded arms." 

* -X- * ^ 

Years have trolled their changes by ; 

Harvests oft have robed the plain ; 
And the leafy honors high 

Sigh no more above the slain. 
Sons of sires who in the black, 

Doleful days of '77 
Rolled the tide of battle back, 

Seeking hope and strength in Heaven, 
Wondering tread the storied ground, 

And with glowing accents tell 
How their fathers victory found, 

And the spot where Eraser fell. 
Gallant chieftain, nobler song 

Ought to speak thy honored name; 
But our sons remembering long, 
Worthier tribute pay thy fame ! 



Appendix. 433 



THE PROGRESS OF SIR JACK BRAG. 

Said Burgoyne to his men, as they pass'd in review, 

Tullalo, tullalo, tullalo, boys ! 
These rebels their course very quickly will rue, 
And fly as the leaves 'fore the autumn tempest flew, 

When him tuho is your leader they know, boys ! 

They with men have now to deal. 

And we soon will make them feel, 
Tullalo, tullalo, tullalo,. boys ! 
That a loyal Briton's arm and a loyal Briton's steel 

Can put to flight a rebel as quick as other foe, boys ! 

Tullalo, tullalo, tullalo — 

Tullalo, tullalo, tullalo-o-o-o, boys ! 

As to Sa-ra-tog' he came, thinking how to jo the game, 

Tullalo, tullalo, tullalo, boys ! 
He began to fear the grubs, in the branches of his fame, 
He began to have the trembles lest a flash should be the flame, 

For which he had agreed his perfume to forego, boys ! 

No lack of skill, but fates, 

Shall make us yield to Gates, 
Tullalo, tullalo, tullalo, boys ! 
The devil may have leagued, as you know, with the States ! 
But we never will be beat by any mortal foe, boys ! 

Tullalo, tullalo, tullalo — 

Tullallo, tullalo, tullalo-o-o-o boys. 



434 Campaign of General John Burgoyne, 

No. XVII. 

Description of Ticonderoga and the Forts 
South of it in 1777.^ 

I. — Fort Carillon. 
In this are eight eighteen-pounder guns in double 
fortified works. It is surrounded on the north side by 
palisades in front of, and surrounding which is an abatis. 
Between this fort and the old French redoubt a new 
log-house (block house) has been built. 

II. — The old French Redoubt. 
This is about two hundred rods east of the fort, and 
is mounted with six cannons, four of which are nine- 
pounders and two twelve-pounders. This redoubt has 
been repaired (its old shape being preserved), and is also 
surrounded by an abatis. 

III. — The old French Lines. 

These have lately been .somewhat repaired, but are 
not mounted. The palisades have also not been re- 
paired. 

IV. — The Five Redoubts near the Shore. 

These are situated in a northeasterly direction from 
the fort at the foot of a hill. They have not been re- 
paired. 

N.B. — On the 13th of May, the news reached us, 
that the rebels were about repairing, and placing can- 



From the Military Journal of Major Gen. Riedesel. 



Appendix. 43 5 

nons upon them, but as yet, it is unknown of what 
calibre they are to be. It has been said, however, that 
they may be two eighteen-pounHers and a few twelve- 
pounders that are expected about October. 

All these redoubts, as well as the lines, are poorly 
manned. 

V. — Fort (Mount) Independence. 

(a.) North of the mountain is a strong abatis where 
twelve cannons are posted 5 one of which is a thirty- 
two-pounder, and the rest are eighteen and twelve- 
pounders. All of the works are surrounded by a strong 
abatis. 

(b.) One hundred yards from the works are smaller 
fortifications, in v/hich three eighteen-pounders and 
three twenty-four-pounders are placed. 

[c.) South of these works are barracks and palisades ; 
and in front of them is another abatis. In the rear of 
the former are eight nine-pounders. Besides these, 
there are twelve more nine and tv/elve-pounders, de- 
signed for the defense of the barracks. These, how- 
ever, are not yet mounted. 

N.B. — According to late news, twenty cannons have 
been taken to a battery, in a northerly direction, at the 
foot of the fort, with a view of commanding the lake. 
These are twelve and eighteen-pounders. 

(d?j There are a {^w cannons on the half-moon bat- 
tery, which defend en barbette. 

[e.) There are about one hundred iron cannons on 
the ships near Carillon ; but there are no mortars what- 
ever. These iron cannons are mostly old ones. 



436 Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

Particulars. 

The number of troops, at present in Carillon and near 
Mount Independence, does not exceed 1,300 men ; but 
reenforcements amounting to fifteen regiments, are 
hourly expected. There is an abundance of provisions. 
No preparations have been made to build new^ ships. 
The vessels of the enemy consist of a rowing vessel, an 
old sloop, and two two-masters. The troops from New 
England arrive daily in front of No. 4. 

N.B. — Intelligence, as late as May 13th, states, that 
there are at Ticonderoga (including the laborers) 2,800 
men. Their chief business at that time consisted in 
cantoning and in constructing a bridge, the foundation of 
which was laid in the winter by the rebels. This founda- 
tion consists of between forty and fifty sunken boxes, filled 
with stones, and laid at a distance of fifty feet from each 
other. It is thought, that this bridge cannot be finished 
even in two months, from the I4.th of May. It is to 
serve as a connection between Mount Independence 
and Fort Carillon, and is to cover the retreat in case 
one of those posts should be captured. The turnpikes 
are north of the bridge, but the ships south, in order to 
defend it. Close behind this bridge is another and 
smaller one, which is only five feet in width. It is de- 
signed for pedestrians, and is between the store houses 
and Mount Independence. 

The rebels have lately received 150 tons of powder. 
This has been the whole supply the entire winter. 
They have also received four four-pounders, which 



Appendix, 437 

were made at Cambridge, near Bo;;ton. A great supply 
of muskets has, likewise, arrived from the West India 
islands. A French engineer officer has lately reached 
the rebel army, and was appointed engineer-in-chief.^ 

Fort Skenesborough. 
The garrison here consists of about eighty men. No 
preparations, whatever, have been made at this post for 
ship-building. There are barracks here, surrounded by 
palisades, in which provisions, and a large quantity of 
war material are stored. 

Fort Anne. 

Is garrisoned by about thirty men, and has a barrack 
with palisades. 

Fort George.^ 

I St. The citadel has only recently been repaired and 
provided with two nine-pounders. It contains, also, 
twelve cannons, which are not yet mounted. Barracks 
for 1,000 men lie twenty yards east of it. 

2d. Close to the shore is a large magazine in which 
there is an abundance of provisions. 

3d. To the west of this magazine, where Fort Wil- 
liam Henry formerly stood, is the large hospital, a build- 
ing of great dimensions, and used for the sick from Fort 
Carrillon. This is said to be surrounded by palisades, 



* Kosciusko, the Pole ? — Translator. 

2 Fort Edivard in the original ; but, as the well informed reader will 
see, this is probably a typographical error, as Fort George, at the head of 
Lake George, is of course the fort here described. — Translator. 



43 8 Campaign of General John Burgoyne, 

and to have a small redoubt on the hill south of it.^ A 
strong guard is posted here every night. The rebels at 
Fort George are very busy in cutting down trees and 
carrying them to the shore to be used in the construc- 
tion of six strong vessels on the lake. A so-called 
Commodore Wynkoop, is said to be still in command 
at this post 5 only one regiment, it is further said, re- 
mains here during summer ; but as yet there are only 
400 men there. There is also considerable scarcity in 
ammunition. 

No. XVIII. 

Tlie Saratoga Moniiinent Association. 

The Saratoga Monument Association was incorpo- 
rated by act of the legislature of the state of New York, 
passed April 19th, 1859, Chap. 498, Laws of 1859. 
The first section of this act reads as follows : 

" Sec. I. George Strover, William Wilcox and their 
associates, shall he a body corporate and politic, by the 
name and style of the Saratoga Monument Association, 
for the purpose of taking and holding sufficient real and 
personal property to erect on such spot in town of Sara- 
toga, and as near the place where Burgoyne surrendered 
the British army, as a majority of the trustees here- 
inafter named shall deem practicable, a monument com- 
memorative of the battle which ended in Burgoyne's 
surrender, on the seventeenth of October, seventeen 
hundred and seventy-seven.'* 



^ The remains of this redoubt, which are still to be seen, bears the 
name of Fort Gage. — Translator. 



Appendix. 43 9 

Section four of the act named the first Board of Trus- 
tees, but it was amended April 30th, 1873, as follows: 

" Sec. IV. The First Board of Trustees shall consist 
of Hamilton Fish and William L. Stone of the city of 
New York ; Horatio Seymour of Utica ; Benson J, 
Lossing of Poughkeepsie ; A sa C. TefFt of Fort Edward ; 
John A. Corey of Saratoga Springs, and Charles H. 
Payne of Saratoga." 

Since the passage of this act, Corey has died, and Mr. 
Fish has resigned, and John V. L. Pruyn of Albany, 
Daniel A. BuUard of Schuylerville, and E. W. B. Can- 
ing of New York city have been elected trustees. The 
appropriation toward the erection of the Saratoga monu- 
ment by the N. Y. legislature of 1874 (Laws of 1874, 
Chap. 323, page 387) was made in the following form : 

" Whenever it shall be made satisfactorily to appear to 
the comptroller of the state that the Saratoga Monument 
Association has fixed and determined upon a plan for a 
monument, to be erected at Schuylerville, Saratoga Co., 
in commemoration of the battle of Saratoga, and that it 
will not cost to exceed five hundred thousand, nor less 
than two hundred thousand dollars, to erect and com- 
plete such monument upon such plan, and that the asso- 
ciation has received and paid over to the treasurer from 
private subscriptions and donations, made by the United 
States or state governments of states, at least a sufficient 
sum with the amount hereby specified to complete said 
monument upon such plans, then the state of New York 
will pay and contribute by appropriation of the public 
moneys, the sum of §50,000 to aid in the construction 



440 Campaign of General John Burgoyne, 

of such monument, and the faith of the state is hereby 
pledged to such purpose upon such conditions. The 
plans and estimates of the cost of said monument afore- 
said, shall be submitted to and approved by the governor 
and the comptroller of this state, and the comptroller of 
this state is hereby made the treasurer of said Monument 
Association. The plans so fixed and adopted as afore- 
said, shall not thereafter be changed without the consent 
of the governor and comptroller, nor so as to increase 
the cost of said monument. 

Officers of tlie Saratoga Momiment Association. 

President^ Horatio Seymour, Utica, N. Y. 
Vice-Pres., J. V. L. Pruyn, Albany, N. Y. 

Vice-Pres.^ James M. Marvin, Sar. Springs, N. Y. 
Secretary ^ Wm. L. Stone, New York City. 

Cor. Sec'y, Ed,W. B. Canning, Stockbridge, Mass. 
Treasurer.^ Daniel A. Bullard, Schuylerville, N. Y. 

STANDING COMMITTEES. 
Committee on Design. 
William L. Stone, Charles H. Payn, 

E. W. B. Canning, James M. Marvin, 

Leroy Mowry. 

Committee on Location. 

Asa C. Tefft, Charles H. Payn, 

E. F. Bullard. 

Building Committee. 
Charles H. Payn, Leroy Mowry, 

Asa C. Tefft, William L. Stone. 



Appendix, 441 

Executive Committee, 
Leroy Mowry, Charles H. Payn, 

James M. Marvin, Daniel A. Bullard. 

Advisory Committee. 
Edward F. Bullard, Saratoga Springs, 
P. C. Ford, Schuylerville, N. Y. 

B. W. Throckmorton, New York City. 
Oscar Frisbie, " " " 

The following affidavits were made by two of the 
oldest inhabitants of Schuylerville for the use of the 
Senate Committee having the Saratoga monument under 
consideration ; as they throw light on the surrender 
ground they are here given :^ 



^ In speaking of these two persons, Mrs, Walworth, in her entertaining 
and valuable Guide Book to the battle ground, says : 

" I have had the pleasure of conversing with these old men, and can 
bear witness to the clearness and readiness of their memory. 

"Mr. Clements is exceedingly interesting, and a man of some attainments. 
He has been a civil engineer, and told me that he had surveyed the first 
lots that were laid out in Schuylerville, Philip Schuyler, grandson of the 
general, and Mr. Beadle, who afterwards laid out the village of West Troy 
carrying the chain. Mr, Clements also said he had made the survey that 
Settled the disputed line between the towns of Northumberland and Sara- 
toga, and a curious incident enabled him to verify his work. He found the 
old survey mark in a log of yellow pine (known to be very durable) under 
ground, and corresponding with his own lines. 

" Mr. McCreedy is one of four generations who have fought in the various 
wars of the country. His father and grandfather were in the battles of 
Saratoga,* he fought in the battle of Plattsburgh in the war of 1812, and 
his son took an active part in the late war. His wife, who is near his own 
age, and has lived with him sixty years, is a very bright old lady. She 
gives a vivid account of a fourth of July celebration that took place at 
38 



4-42 ' Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

State of New York, | 

County of Saratoga. J 

Albert Clements, being duly sworn, deposes and says : 
I reside in the town of Saratoga, in said county, in the 
vicinity of the village of Schuylervilie, and have resided 
there since the year 1789 — am now ninety-five years 
of age. I came to this town from Dutchess county. 
Abraham Marshall was residing here then on the farm 
now occupied by his grandson, William Marshall. I 
heard him (Abraham) say that he witnessed the surrender 
of Burgoyne's army 5 that the British army marched 
down below the gravel hill located on the west side of 
the river road, south of Fish creek, and Burgoyne there 
surrendered his sword. I have frequently heard soldiers 
who were in Gates's army tell the following incident • 
After the retreat of the British army from Stillwater 
towards Schuylervilie, the American army pursued them 
as far as a hill on the ?outh bank of Fish creek, nearly 
opposite the village of Victory, and there erected a bat- 
tery, and fired their guns towards the point on the north 
side of the creek, where Burgoyne happened to be at the 
table eating, and a ball came on the table and knocked 
ofFa leg of mutton. 

I remember, when I was a boy, of seeing breastworks 
extending as much as a quarter of a mile m length along 



Schuylervilie fifty-five years ago, w^hen the veterans of the Revolution had 
a banquet spread for them on the plain before Fort Hardy, where the British 
stacked their arms. She says the old men were very spry on that day, 
and that there was then assembled the largest crowd of people ever gathered 
at Schuylervilie." 



Appendix. 443 

the hill where Prospect Hill cemetery now is located, in 
the direction of the road just west of the cemetery. I 
assisted in tearing them down. They were made of 
pine logs and earth. I ploughed up a cartridge box con- 
taining about sixty musket balls. 

I remember the old Dutch Church, which stood on the 
south side of the road now running from the river road 
to Victory ; I frequently attended meeting there. It 
was a wooden structure, heavy timbers and clap-boarded. 

There were no other buildings on the south side of 
the creek except General Schuyler's mansion, and only 
two on the north side at that time. 

I visited General Schuyler's mansion when he was 
there ; I saw him signing deeds or leases. 

Albert Clements. 
Sworn to before me April 13th, 1877. 

S. Wells, Notary Public, 
State of New York, 1 

Saratoga County. / 

William H. McCreedy, being duly sworn, deposes 
and says : I am eighty-six years of age ; now reside in 
the village of Schuylerville, in said county, and have 
there resided for over sixty years past. I remember of 
hearing my father and grandfather, who were both in 
Gates's army, say : that they witnessed Burgoyne's sur- 
render ; that the terms of the surrender were signed 
under the Elm tree now standing on the east side of 
Broad street, in Schuylerville, between the feed store of 
Simon Sheldon and the blacksm.ith's shop adjoining on 
the south ; and that the British army marched down the 



444 Campaign of General John Burgoyne, 

river road just below Gravel hill, south of Fish creek, 
and surrendered. 

I remember seeing breastworks, extending north and 
south, on the river flats between the village and the 
river. I dug up five cannon balls there some fifty years 
ago. I visited old General Schuyler at his mansion 
several times. I dined there on one occasion ; and after 
finishing my meal, the old general asked me if I had 
eaten enough. I answered that I had eaten all that I 
wanted, and he replied : "If you have, knock out your 
teeth." 

My grandfather, Charles McCreedy, and father, James 

McCreedy, were both in the engagements fought at 

Bemis's heights, September 19th, and October 7th, 1777. 

They told me that General Gates's headquarters were 

south of the old Dutch Church, and were present at the 

surrender 5 and that the old turnpike road was about 

where the canal now is. 

William H. lVIcCreedy. 

Sworn before me, April 13th, 1877. 

S. Wells, Notary Public. 



Appendix. 445 



No. XIX. 

The principal authorities consulted in the preparation 
of this volume — many of them, on this subject, intrin- 
sically valueless — are, besides the Reidesel and Bruns- 
wick Journals, the following : 

Gen. Wilkinson's Memoirs, Philadelphia, 1816. 

Lamb's Journal of Occurrences during the late American War, to the year 

1783 ; by R. Lamb, sergeant in the Royal Welsh Fusileers, Dublin, 

1809. 
Anbury's Letters, London, 1791. 
Allen's Biographical Dictionary. 
Macauley's History of Neiv Tork. 
Barber's Historical Collections. 
Stedman's History of the American War. 
Holden's History of the Town of Siueenshury . 
Fonblanque's Life of Gen. Burgoyne, London, 1876. 
Silliman's Tour. 
D wight's Tra'vels. 
Carrington's Battles of America ; by Henry B. Carrington, Bvt. Brig . 

General, U, S. A., and Professor of Military Science at Wabash 

University. A, L. Barnes & Co., New York, 1876. 
Stone's Life of Brant (Thayendanegea). 
Bancroft's History of the United States, vol, ix. 
Irving's Life of Washington. 
Ramsay's History of the Re-volutlon. 
Sparks's American Biography. 
Lossing s Field Book of the Revolution. 
Garden's American Re'volution. 
Thatcher's Military Journal. 
Marshall's Washington. 
D wight's Summer Tours. 

Visit to the Battle Ground in 1789 5 by Mrs. Theodore Dwight. 
Botta's History of the War of the Independence of the United States. 
Trumbull's Reminiscences of his oivn Times. 
J. Watts DePeyster's Justice to Schuyler. 



4 4^ Campaign of General John Burgoyne, 

The History of the War in America between Great Britain and her Colonies^ 
from its Commencement to the End of the Tear 1778, Dublin, 1779. 
Chapters xiv, xv, pp. 270-315, especially 281, 284-5, ^9^5 ^95-6, 
310, etc. 

Charles Smith's American War^ New York, 1797. 

Creasy's Fifteen Decisi've Battles of the World, from Marathon to Water- 
loo, 15th Ed,, 1866, chap. XIII — Saratoga particularly Note i, page 
467-8. 
Charles Neilson's Original, compiled and corrected Account of Burgoyne*^ 
Campaign, etc., etc., Albany; printed by J. Munsell, 1 844. 

James Graham's Life of Gen. Daniel Morgan, etc., etc., New York. 
Derby & Jackson, 119 Nassau street, 1856. 

John Andrews's History of the War with America, France, etc., London, 
1786. II, Chapter xxviii, 388, 389, 390, 392, 394, 395, 402, 407^ 
408, 410. 

William Dunlap's History of New York, for Schools, vol. 11, p. 169. 

New York, 1837. 
Kapp's Life of Steuben, page 343. 

American Military Biography, 2d Ed., page 171. 

Dawson's Battles of the United States, I, 289. 

Robert Tomes' (M. D.) Battles of America, Virtue & Co., New York. 
Part III, pages 480-1, 486-9; 500-1, 509, etc.. 516, etc. Part iv, 
Chapter lxxxiii, Camden, S. C. 
History of Livingston County, N. T., Lockwood L. Doty (Gates's Insubor- 
dination), page 156. 

Lossing's Life of Schuyler. (New York Society Library.) 

P. Stansbury's Pedestrian Tour in North America, prepared in the Autumn 
o/' 1821 (relating to the Battle fields of Saratoga) ; i2mo.. New York^ 
1822. (N. Y. H. S.) 

Gordon's Gazetteer. 

Spafeord's Gazetteer. 

Holmes's Annals. 

L/.mb's Journal of Occurrences in America, Dublin, 1809. 

Memoirs of his own Life, by R. Lamb, Dublin, 181 1. 

Remembrancer of Public Events, 1775-83, London, 1784. 

Belknap's New Hampshire. 

Campbell's Tryon County. 



Appendix, 447 



Watson's Men and Times of the Revolution . 

DuNLAp's History of New York. 

Brunsivick Maga%ine, No. xi. 

Wakefield's Letters from America, 1819. 

SiMMs's Trappers of Nciv York. 

Life of Morgan Le'zvis, in Jenkins's Lives of the Governors of Neiv York. 

Sketch of Charles de Langlade, in vol. vii of Wisconsin Historical Collec- 
tions. 

Green's German Element in the. War of American Independence. 

Tilghman's Journal. 

Moore's Diary of the American Revolution. 

De Costa's Lake George. 

Lfe of Peter Van Schaick. 

Wilson's Life of Jane McCrea. 

Travels in America in 1795 of the Duke de la Rochefoucauld-Liancourt. 

The Gates Papers in the New York Historical Society. 

NiLEs's Register. 

Botta's American Revolution. 

Gentleman s Magazine. 

Remarks on Gen. Burgoyne's State of the Expedition. London, J. Wilkie 
1780. 

Letter to Lieut. Gen. Burgoyne, on bis Letter to his Constituents. London • 
T. Becket, 1779. 

A Reply to Lieut. Gen. Burgoyne's Letter to his Constituents. London : J. 
Wilkie, 1779. 

Burgoyne's State of the Expedition from Canada, as laid before the House 
of Commons, by Lieut. Gen. Burgoyne, and verified by evidence; with 
a collection of authentic documents, and an addition of many circum- 
stances which were prevented from appearing before the House. Lon- 
don : J. Almon, 1780. 

A Supplement to the State of the Expedition from Canada, containing Gen. 
Burgoyne's Orders, respecting the principal Movements and Operations 
of the Army to the raising of the Siege of Ticonderoga. 

A Letter to Lieut. Gen. Burgoyne, occasioned by a second edition of his 
State of the Expedition from Canada. London: G. Kearsley, 1780. 

Orderly Book of Lieut. Gen. John Burgoyne, from his entry into the State 
of New York until his Surrender at Saratoga, i6th Oct., 1777. From 



44^ Campaign of General John Burgoyne. 

the original manuscript deposited at Washington's Headquarters, New- 
burgh, N. Y., map, portraits, and fac-simile. Edited by E. B. O'Cal- 
laghan, i860, in Munsell's Historical Series. 

D. Wilson's Life of Jane McCrea, with an account of Burgoyne's Ex- 
pedition in 1777. By D. Wilson, New York, 1853. 

jin Enquiry into, and Remarks upon the Conduct of Lieut. Gen. Burgoyne. 
The plan of operation for the campaign of 1777, the instructions from 
the secretary of state, and the circumstances that led to the loss of the 
northern army. London : J. Matthews, 1780. 

Essay on Modern Martyrs, with a letter to Gen. Burgoyne. London : 
Payne, 1780. 

Dramatic and Poetical Works of the late Lieut. Gen. John Burgoyne ; 
to which is prefixed memoirs of the author, embellished with copper 
plates. London : C. Whittingham, 1808. 

The Substance of Gen. Burgoyne's Speeches, on Mr. Vyner^s Motion, on the 
z^th of May ; and upon Mr. Hartley'' s Motion, on the zSth of May, 
1778. With an appendix, containing Gen. Washington's letter to 
Gen. Burgoyne, etc. London : J. Almon, 1778. 

.^ Brief Examination of the Plan and Conduct of the Northern Expedition 
in America in 1777. And of the surrender of the army under the com- 
mand of Lieut. Gen. Burgoyne. London, 1779. 

A Letter from Lieut. Gen. Burgoyne to his Constituents, upon his late Resig- 
nation ; with the correspondence between" the secretaries of war and 
him, relative to his return to America. London : J. Almon, 1779. 
Tra'vels in North America, by the Marquis de Ckastellux, London, 1787. 



INDEX. 



Abercrombie's defeat, 145 wagons cap- 
tured, 360. 

Ackland, major John Dyke, 11, 
323; described, 835 accident 
to, 83; wounded, 58, 60; 
killed, 86, 331 ; his position in 
the march, 44 ; his grenadiers, 
275. 

Ackland, Lady Harriet, 75, 83, 333, 
335 5 visits American camp, 
84; insane, 865 married Bru- 
denell, 865 account of, 331; 
died, 332. 

Adams, col., killed, 402. 

Albany, tories executed at, 243. 

Allen, capt., 175. 

Allen, Ethan, proposals for ex- 
change of, 336. 

Allen, Rev., anecdote of, 232. 

Ambuscade near Fort Stanwix, 177. 

American army at Ticonderoga, 14; 
lacked force to man the de- 
fences, 15; number of, no, 
114; sufferings of, 401 ; shout- 
ing heard in, 54; riflemen, 
their execution, 10. 

Ancrom, major, 200. 

Andiatarocte island, 410, 

Anstruther, It. col., 44, 48, 343. 

Armstrong, major, defames Arnold, 
68. 

Arnent, ensign, 175. 

Arnold, 165 volunteer to Fort Stan- 
wix, 27 2 5 sent to relieve Ganse- 
voort, 208; his ruse, 211 5 
pursues St. Leger, 218 ; at head 
of Continentals, 63, 65 ; his 
conduct in battle, 67, 68, 325 j 



Arnold, engages whole British force, 
46 5 his horse killed, 66, 375 j 
wounded, 66 5 joined Gates, 
40 j points out Fraser to Mor- 
gan, 325 5 to be provided against, 
2845 dismissed by Gates, 371; 
altercation with Balcarras, 371. 

Artillery captured, 46 ; horse em- 
ployed, 2765 N. Y. brass, 25, 

Anburey, Thomas, 11, 350, 360, 
4105 his Travels, 398 ; on de- 
portment of the captors, 117. 

Bacon, Wm. J., dedication to, 3. 

Badlam, major, 175. 

Baggage trains loaded up for retreat, 

7°- 

Bailey, ensign, 175. 

Bailey, gen., 376. 

Balcarras, major, 10 j attacked, 61, 
635 his camp taken, 398 j 
his narrow escape, 145 his posi- 
tion in the march, 54; his 
testimony, 402 5 his grenadiers, 
275. 

Ball, lieut., 175. 

Ballads of Burgoyne's expedition, 413. 

Ballston, loyalist insurrection in, 144. 

Barker, Peter, 328. 

Barker's tavern, 315. 

Barn containing six pound ball, 391. 

Barner, Major, 33. 

Bartlett, Dr. John, 307, 309. 

Bateaux captured, 90, 93 ; their lo- 
cation, 38. 

Batten kil, battery at 98 ; design of 
retreat to, 56; encampment at, 
2375 



450 



Index. 



Batten kil, occupied by the Ameri- 
cans, 88 ; passed, 376 5 route to 
Arlington, 2,78 5 view on, 378. 

Battle ground described, 370. 

Battle of 19th Sept., 45, 49; 7th 
October, 57. 

Battle of Saratoga, one of the fifteen 
decisive battles, 132. 

Baum, Col., 1295 detached, 232; 
sent to Bennington, 29, 30 5 
ruse practiced upon, 31; his 
instructions, 277 5 failure of, its 
effect, 173 5 skirmish of, 299 ; 
wounded, 32; house in which 
he died, 34. 

Baxter boys, suspected, 272. 

Beadle, laid out West Troy, 441. 

Belknap's New Hampshire, 42. 

Bellinger, Lieut. Col., 189, 199; 
Samuel, killed, 189. 

Bemis's heights, attack threatened, 
321 5 Gates occupies, 395 not 
the battle field, 70, 71. 

Bennington, battle of, 232 ; narrative 
of, 286, 291 5 expedition, 
failure of, 35. 

Berkshire incident, 301 ; volunteers, 
anecdote of, 242. 

Bird, lieut., his diary, 154. 

Blauvelt, major, killed, 198. 

Bleecker, capt., 175. 

Blockhouses built, 261. 

Bloodgood, S. D. W., 245. 

Bloody pond, 236. 

Bogardus, lieut., 175. 

Boston, British marched to, 116. 

Bottles, found at headquarters, 53, 

Bouck, Wm. C, 251. 

Bowman, Jacob, killed, 189. 

Braddock, his defeat planned by 
Langlade, 1 1. 

Bradley, commodore, 158. 

Brant, Joseph, 1695 at ambruscade, 
177 ; leader of St. Leger's Indi- 
ans, 153 J Life of, 139. 

Brass cannons captured, 355 their 
vicissitudes, 35; note. 

Brattleboro, expedition to, 279. 



Breadbeg, John, wounded, 186. 

Brent Richard, 385. 

Breymann, lieut. col., 10, 13 5 sent 
to aid Baum, 32 5 retreats by 
"'g^t> 33 ; reinforcements of, 
2335 his command, 2765 his 
position in the march, 44. 

Breymann's hill. 64 j breastwork, 
64; entrenchments still to be 
seen, 52. 

Breymann, killed, 65, 375. 

Bridge, of St. Luke, 298 5 scouting 
party at, 299 5 at Saratoga falls, 
375 boats, 412; of boats cut 
loose, 320. 

Brisbin, James, 358. 

British army, its superiority, 10; in- 
vested Ticonderoga, 13; how 
disposed at Crown point, 13; 
occupy Ticonderoga, 185 crossed 
the Hudson, 37 5 its entrench- 
ments, remains of, 37 5 strength 
of force, 385 order of march, 
44 5 forward movement sig- 
nalled, 45 ; route of army, 45 5 
artillery captured, 46; loss of 
first battle, 49, 50 j reconnois- 
sance brings on battle of 7th 
Oct., 57 5 seized with dismay 
at fall of Fraser, 62 5 retreat of, 
62, 72 5 provisions short, 72 ; re- 
treat begun, 72, 745 discovered 
under arms, 90 ; trap sprung 
upon, 92 5 distressed state of 
the army, 93, 96, completely 
invested, 98 j capitulates, no; 
retained as prisoners, 112 j 
piled their arms, 115, 121; 
took up its march to Boston, 
116; standards captured, 194, 
provisions captured, 238 5 ad- 
vanced pickets captured, 245 ; 
force of, 276 ; in line of battle, 
322; incident of, 346; his ac- 
count of the attack on Dia- 
mond island, 349 ; Indian allies, 
358; to join Howe, 359; at 
Crown point, 359 j 



Index. 



451 



British army, Langlade's savages at 
Skenesboro, 360 ; force of 
Canadians, 360J stack their 
arms, 378 ; camp ground, 382 ; 
forded the creek, 3835 en- 
camped at Saratoga plain, 412 5 
retreat, cry of, 70. 

British treasure, search for,* 399 ; 
camp, preservation of, 399. 

Brooks, col., suggests sending Hon- 
Yost to St. Leger, 416. 

Brookes's regiment, 374 ; led by 
Arnold, 375. 

Brookes, lieut. gov., 64. 

Bronkahorse, killed, 275. 

Brown, col. John, attacks Ticon- 
deroga, 346, 347, 348, 349, 
352. 

Brudenell, chaplain, 77, 85, ^86 5 
marries Harriet Ackland, 332. 

Brunswick Dragoons described, 30 j 
reduced in numbers, i 6 j Jour- 
nal,375 troops, flank defense,64. 

Brunswickers, parting volley, 66 \ 
captured 355 under Riedesel,20. 

Bryan, Alexander, scout, 40, 353. 

Buck shot used by Americans, 57. 

Buel, major Ezra, 384, 388, 389. 

Bullard, Daniel A., 440, 441. 

Bullard, Edv/ard F. 441 j his ad- 
dress, 370j 377, 

Burgoyne, the disasters of his cam- 
paign ascribed to his blunders, 

9 ; dissatisfied with his subordi- 
nate position under Carleton, 

10 5 his plan for success, 9 5 his 
horse in Portugal, 10 j arrived 
in Quebec, 10 5 sailed up Cham- 
plain, II; encamped at Bou- 
quet, II; joined by Indians, 

11 ; life of by Fonblanque, 11 ; 
his axiom, that the army must 
not retreat, 12; arrived at Ti- 
conderga, 14; pursues the Ame- 
ricans by water, 23 ; at Skenes- 
borough, 24; claims victory at 
Fort Anne, 27 ; arrives at, 29 ; 
obstacles to his progress, 29; 



Burgoyne, incipient step to his defeat, 
3 1 ; arrives at Fort Edward, 36 ; 
arrives at Saratoga, 37 ; selects 
Schuyler's house as head quar- 
ters, 37 ; his scouting party, 
42 ; ignorant of the American 
movements, 43 ; his order of 
march, 44; rec'd letter from 
Clinton, 51; his headquarters 
after the 19th Sept., 53; his 
strength reduced, 54 ; rations 
cut down, 55; calls council of 
war, 56; orders retreat, 615 
his retreat how delayed, 715 
mistake in retreat, 80 ; camp 
equipage captured, 82; permits 
lady Ackland to visit American 
camp, 84; at Schuyler's man- 
sion, 86 ; his mistress, 87 ; ac- 
cused by Mad. Riedesel of burn- 
ing Schuyler's mansion, 88 j 
said by Lamb to have been ac- 
cidental, 88 ; opens road to Fort 
Edward, 89 ; responds to ap- 
peal of Mad. Riedesel, 96 ; pro- 
poses expedients to his officers, 
97 ; orders retreat, 98 ; calls 
council of officers, 99 ; human- 
ity of, 99 ; declines to sign the 
treaty, 109 ; signs articles, iioj 
introduced to Gates, 117, 118; 
his approbation of Gates's con- 
duct to the captives, 122; de- 
livers his sv/ord, 122; testifies 
to Schuyler's magnanimity, 1 24 ; 
his former reputation, 125; at 
T:igus, 125; a sybarite, 126; 
attributes his failure to the ad- 
ministration, 126; Fonblanque's 
memoir of, 126 ; coldly re- 
ceived in England, 128; vin- 
dicates himself, 128 ; author of 
comedies, 128; dies, 128; cut 
of surrender of sword, 135 ; in- 
telligence from St. Leger, 172 j 
gets supplies from Fort George, 
172; expedition to Bennington 
planned, 173 ; 



452 



Index, 



Burgoyne, anecdotes of his cam 
paign, 225 ; inhabitants flee 
before his approach, 225 ; 
his force in the expedition, 257 ; 
Fonblanque's memoir, 276 ; his 
instructions to Baum, 278 ; 
plunder to be made, 280 ; dra- 
goons to be mounted, 283 5 
Warner expected to retreat, 
284 5 prisoners to be made, 285 j 
boastful, 288 J his head quar- 
ters, 315, 325 ; entertained by 
Schuyler, 3185 retreat ordered 
and countermanded, 321 ; his 
reliance on Fraser, 32b 5 vindi- 
cates his policy, 347 j letter to 
Gates respecting Harriet Ack- 
land, 333, 336; do respecting 
burning Schuyler's house, 337 j 
his relations with Langlade, 
358 J duped by Schuyler, 342 j 
his estimate of Indian aid, 361 j 
attempt to justify his defeat, 
363; complains of Canadian 
aid, 3 64 J error in regard to 
his origin, 367 ; meets Gates, 
379 ; proclamation, vaunting, 
4045 clothing perforated, 4045 
his Itinerary, 1 1 5 retreat, 11,12. 

Burgoyne's hill, 64. 

Butler, col., 140, 177 ; John, 169 5 
messenger to the fort, 200. 

Butler, Walter N., captured, 208 ; 
imprisoned in Albany, 209 ; 
condemned, 213. 

Butler's ruse, 182. 

Camden, battle of, 1315 Gates at 
battle of, 69. 

Canada, Burgoyne's communication 
with cut off, 55 ; conquest of, 
1525 by English, 152, 153. 

Canadian horses purchased, 30 j pro- 
vincials, 64, 65. 

Canadians captured, 378 ; desert Bur- 
goyne, 99 5 reason of, 99 j in 
the army, 3605 their position, 
44. 



Canajoharie, 197. 

Canning, E. W. B., 427,439, 440 ; 

his narrative, 301 
Cannon taken and retaken, 59 ; 

sworn in, 395. 
Carillon, troops in, 436. 
Carleton, sir Guy, superseded, 9. 
Cartridge box plowed up, 443. 
Cassassenny, Indian castle, 140. 
Castleton, retreat to, 17, 19, 23. 
Cayugas join the British, 191. 
Chase, ensign, 175. 
Chemung, battle of, 192. 
Chestertownj ancient cabin, 99. 
Chimney point, 12. 
Claus, col. Daniel, 140. 
Cilley, col., 59 
Clerke, Sir F., wounded, 5 3 ; died, 63, 

69, 390 5 his drawing of the 

camp, 397, 398} James, 445 

killed, 276. 
Clements, Albert, 441 5 testimony 

of the surrender, 442. 
Clinton, gov. George, 258. 
Clinton, Sir Henry, 37, 51 ; guarded, 

445 news from, 108} ascends 

the Hudson, 222. 
Cochran, col., garrisons Fort Ed- 
ward, 89; col., 2515 died, 

254. 
Cohoes Falls, 42. 
Colburn, col., killed, 402. 
Connecticut river, expedition to, 

279. 
Continentals in action, 47 j where 

placed, 321. 
Conyne, lieut, 175. 
Coon, Mrs. Hannah, 2325 escaped, 

2345 again captured, 235. 
Copper head snake venomous, 411. 
Corey, John A., 134. 
Cornwallis's pursuit of Greene, 42. 
Council of war called, 56. 
Coveville (Dovogat), British at, 41, 

45- 
Cow boys, 213, 237. 
Cox, col., killed, 180 j regiment of, 

174, 176. 



Index. 



453 



Creasy sir Edward, 132. 
Grouse, Robert, killed, 189. 
Crown point occupied, 125 described, 

12. 
CuUoden, battle of, 75. 

Davis, capt. John, 180, killed, 188. 
Dayton, col., 151. 
Dearborne, major Henry, 372. 
De Fermoy, fatal act of, 18, 35, 60, 

85- 
De Peyster, Captain, 358 5 J. Watts, 

18. 
Delancey, Edward, 99. 
Dennison, ensign, 175. 
De Ridder's crossing, 257. 
Desertion encouraged, 113. 
Diamond island, 346, 349, 352, 

410 ; fight at, 346. 
Diefendorf, lieut., 175. 
Dillenback, capt., 185 ; killed, 189. 
Donop, colonel, 76. 
Douglass, lieut., killed, 15. 
Dovogat, halt at in retreat, 80 j 

name defined, 41, 42, 45, 
Dragoons, form the van, 13 ; to be 

compact, 281, 282. 
Draper, Lyman C, 368, 406. 
Drayton, col., 158. 
Duncan, major, at Oswego, 152, 

153- 
Dunham, capt. Hezekiah, 264, 

357- 

Duplesse, captain, 76. 

D wight, president, 164, 176; Theo- 
dore, 72, 286. 

Dygert, John, killed, 189. 

Edgerton, Eleazur, his feat, 299, 

300. 
Eisenlord, major John, killed, 189. 
Eclls, Nathaniel, 271. 
Elmore, col., 158. 
Embarkation suspended, 113. 
Ensign, Ezekiel, 240 j store of, 72. 
Errata, 12. 



Farmer costume, 246 



Farms settled by Germans, 99 

Faxon, Charles H., 99. 

Fellows, general, 80, 82 ; his bat 
teries, 94. 

Ferdinand, prince, 11. 

Fields, T. W., 5. 

First New York regiment, 25. 

Fish creek, 315, 400; forded, 8; 
location of surrender, 118} 
British encamp atj 37 ; horses 
captured at, 256; see Fish kil. 

Fish, Hamilton, 134, 439. 

Fish kil, same as Fish creek. 

Fitch, Andrew, 380. 

Fitch, Asa, 41. 

Flag, American, first unfurled, 135; 
how made, 168. 

Floating bridge, 18. 

Fonblanque, his life of Burgoyne, 1 1, 
88, 126, 332. 

Fonda, Jellis, 169. 

Foraging parties sent out, 55, 394. 

Forbes, majir, 392. 

Forces of Americans, no, 114. 

Ford, P. C, 141. 

Fort Anne, British army at, 29 ; 
garrison of, 437 5 carrying place, 
3405 retreat to, 23, 54; testi- 
mony of Capt. Money, and Bur- 
goyne, 402. 

Fort Carillon, 13, 

Fort Clinton captured by St. Luc, 
160. 

Fort Dayton, 174; Willet arrived 
at, 207. 

Fort Edward abandoned, 36 ; Col. 
Warner at, 236 ; defended, 
377 5 garrisoned, 89; held by 
Starke, 92, 93 5 Lamb at, 4075 
retreat to, 24; retreat from, 
231 J settled by Col. Lydius, 
338; why named, 341, 343, 

344- 
Fort George, 82, 336; garrison of 

437 ; N. Y., artillery at, 25 ; 

condition of, 28. 
Fort Hardy, 316, 339, 401 5 account 

of, 115. 



39 



454 



Index. 



Fort Independence, 13; fired, 18. 

Fort Lawrence, 257, 

Fort Miller, 33, 85, 341 ; journey 
from, 406. 

Fort Nicholson, 339. 

Fort St. Frederick, 12; built, 12, 

Fort Schuyler described, 159 ; 
wretched condition of, 160 5 see 
Fort Stanwix. 

Fort Stanwix, 344. (same as Fort 
Schuyler); ambush near, 177; 
carrying place, 1975 invested, 
158, 167 ; siege of, 271 ; stars 
and stripes first unfurled at, 
135 ; flag presented 135. 

Fort Vaudreuil, 13. 

Fort Wm. Henry, in ruins, 407. 

Forts, description of, 434. 

Fowling pieces in common use, 246. 

Fox, capt. Christopher, wounded, 

Francis, colonel, brings oft the rear 
guard at Ticonderoga, L9 ; 
killed, 20, 4C2. 

Fraser, English brigadier, 11, 12; 
of houseofLovatt, 76; at head of 
army, 3225 his fall, 325; 
removal of remains, 328 5 occu- 
pies Fort Miller, 37 ; his bri- 
gade, 276 ; his position in the 
march, 44 ; pursues retreating 
army, 20 ; wounded, 57, 61 ; 
shot by Tim. Murphy, 249 ; 
where he fell, 396; his fall 
witnessed, 373 ; doubts of, 374 ; 
borne off the field, 72 ; makes 
his will, 74, 75 ; funeral 77, 78 ; 
his request for burial, 75 ; house 
in which he died, 385 5 site of 
his death, 318. 

Fraser's grave, location of, 785 his 
skill in retreat, 79 ; view of, 
397- 

Freeman's farm, 64; battle of, 71 ; 
route of army to, 45 46 ; 
wooded, 323 ; battle, 324. 

French lines, 434; redoubt, 434. 

Freneau, Philip, 420. 



Frey, major, captive, 199; attempt 
to kill by his own brother, 187; 
wounded, 189. 

Friends, hospitality of, 408. 

Friends' lake, 99. 

Frisbie, Oscar, 441. 

Frontenac landed at Oswego, 152. 

Furnival's regiment, 372, 376. 

Gall, German brigadier, il. 

Gansevoort, Gen., 135 5 declines to 
surrender, 200, 202, 204; gen., 
158; letter to Schuyler, 160, 
1635 his speech, 165; his 
force, 168; papers, 151, 157, 
159, 1645 visits Albany, 219; 
addresses his fellow soldiers, 
220 ; promoted, 221. 

Gardenier, capt. Jacob, 183 ; Wm., 
183, 185; wounded, 189; 
lieut., Samuel, wounded, 189. 

Garneau, quoted, 360, 364. 

Gates, correspondence with Burgoyne, 
335 5 deserts de Kalb, 695 su- 
persedes Schuyler, 395 his head 
quarters, 40 5 his head quarters 
threatened, 71, 321 ; his mar- 
quee, its location, 378 ; mag- 
nanimity of towards captives, 
117, 121 5 orders cessation of 
arms, loi 5 entertains British 
generals, 121 5 his head quarters, 
122; neglectful, 1305 died, 
131 5 characteristics of, 131; 
omits to acknowledge important 
services, 356; incapacity of, 
128, 131 ; disrespectful to 
Washington, 130; unfavorable 
conduct of, 68 5 his controversy 
with Gierke, 69. 

George IV", his ecstacy at the cap- 
ture of Ticonderoga, 19. 

Germaine, George, 11, 19, 363, 
403 ; his neglect to forward 
orders to Howe, 126, 127. 

German chasseurs, 71 ; colors saved, 
116; deserter's cabin, 99; 
flats, 174, 197 ; loyalists, 144; 



Index. 



455 



German, troops, how distributed,276,* 

their employment, 277} women 

in the army, 255. 
Germans cross the Hudson, 40 ; 

decline to desert, 113 j desert 

Burgoyne, 99 5 sustain brunt of 

action, 61. 
Glen's falls, 3435 Am., camp at, 92. 
Glover, gen., 90, 370 5 his brigade, 

63. 
Goodale, gen., 90. 
Grandy, Mrs., 232, 235. 
Grant, maj., killed, 23. 
Graves, capt., killed, 189. 
Great Carrying place, 340. 
Great redoubt, 51 ; attacked, 63. 
Green, Charles, 269. 
Gregg, captain and his dog, 163, 

164. 
Grenadiers, attack with bayonets. 

Groat, lieut., missing, 189, 

Hagget, lieut., mortally wounded, 15. 

Hair, lieut., 155. 

Hale, col. Nathan, vindicated, 22. 

Hale, hon. Robert S., 22, 

Hamilton, English brigadier, 11 ; 
his brigade, 87, 276 ; his posi- 
tion in the march, 44. 

Han-Yerry, anecdote of, 269. 

Hardin, col., 135. 

Harnage, wounded, 49, 

Haskin's place, 99. 

Hay, judge, 303. 

Helmer, Adam, 174. 

Helmer, capt. Frederic, 189. 

Herkimer, gen., 145, 146; issues 
proclamation, 148 5 summons 
military, 1745 accused of cow- 
ardice, 176; ambushed, 177; 
wounded, 179 ; line of battle 
badly formed, 192 j died, 196, 
198; his origin, 197; monu- 
ment ordered to, 198 5 not erect- 
ed, 199. 

Harvey, general, 276; lieut., hero- 
ism of, 48. 



Hesse-Hanau regiment, 42, 254. 

Hessian forces, 275 j burial ground, 
380. 

Hessians, accompanied by tamed ani- 
mals, 254 J characteristics of, 
254 5 posted at Bennington, 
2X6 ; total defeat of, 290; com- 
pelled to retreat, 374 ; over es- 
timated, 64. 

Hill, lieut. col., 24, 26. 

Hon-Yost, see Schuyler. 

Hoosac river, village on, 298. 

Horses purchased in Canada, 30. 

Hospital burrying place, 38. 

Howe, reasons of his failure, 126, 
127. 

Hubbardton, army remains at, 20; 
battle of, 21, 23, 402. 

Hubbardton, retreat to, 19. 

Hudson stream, 345. 

Hunt, lieut. col., killed, 189. 

Indians, alarmed by Hon-Yost, 214; 
captured, 368 j desert Burgoyne, 
. 36, 99; reasons of, 995 friendly, 
159, 165 ; hostile, 161 ; gigan- 
tic, 255 5 join British at Skenes- 
boro, 3605 join Burgoyne, 11 ; 
led by St Luc and Langlade, 
II 5 restrained, 361 ; their line 
of march, 153; their position, 
44 5 to invade Fort Schuyler, 
140; vengeance threatened, 
2055 killed at Oriskany, 191, 

195- 
Iron chain, 14. 
Irwine, George, 350. 

Jackson, col., 64. 

Jay, John, letter to Gov. Morris, 
142. 

Jemison, Mary, 191, 192. 

Jogues, Father, 409. 

Johnson, capt., 175. 

Johnson, col. John, 140, 169,117; 
his regiment, 193 ; spoil of his 
camp, 194 J companies, 374. 

Johnson, Sir William, 36. 



4S6 



Index. 



Johnstown, Catholic tories, 144. 
Jones, capt., killed, 49 ; surgeon, 
wounded, 94, 316. 

Kalb, de, deserted by Gates, 69. 
Kalm, criticise Am. forts, 343. 
Killed, how buried, 66, 
Kingston, colonel, adjt. gen., 10; 

sent to propose cessation of arms, 

100 ; blindfolded, 100. 
Kirkland, Rev., his report, 216, 
Kleprattle, major Enos, killed, 

189. _ 
Klock, regiment of 174. 
Kosciusko, engineer, 40, 437 ; battle 

ground selected by, 370. 
Kroonpunt, 12. 

Lake George, 344; its altitude, 
409 5 Oswego bass in, 409 ; 
portage, 14; outlet, 15. 

Lake Sacrament, 409, 

Lakes, entrance to, 152. 

Lamb, 73 ; claims the burning of 
Schuyler mansion to have been 
accidental, 88; his adventure, 
412; Serjeant, statement of, 
333 ; serjt., his trip for pro- 
visions, 38, 406 5 col. serjt. R,, 
18 ; his account of the action 
at Ft. Anne. 26, 27. 

Lamb's Memoirs, 43. 

Lansing, Mrs. Abram, 135, 

Lansing house, 377. 

Lansing's saw mill, 37. 

Lamed, his position, 370 5 in battle 
of 7th Oct., 58, 64, 96. 

Leggett's house, 52, 

Lewis, col. Morgan, 307, 309, 310. 

Lewis, ensign, 175. 

Lewis, qr. master-gen., 70. 

Lincoln, major-gen., 347 ; his posi- 
tion, 370, 371 ; surprised Ticon- 
deroga, 54; wounded, 71, 
376. 

Liquor and rations, 56. 

Little White creek, 298. 

Livingston, col., 67. 



Langlade, Charles, 1 1 ; planned the 
defeat of Braddock, 11, 353, 
368. 

London Universal Magazine, 193, 

Long, colonel, 17; his retreat, 23. 
24, 26. 

Lord, lieut., 347. 

Lossing, Benson, J., 131, 134,439; 
bis Field Book of the Revolu- 
tion, 125. 

Loudon's ferry, 39. 

Lovelass, executed, 268, 356, 357 ; 
how buried, 357. 

Loyalist insurrection in Ballston, 
144. 

Lydius, Catherine, born, 338. 

Lydius, John Henry, 338. 

Lyman, gen. Phineas, 339. 

Lynd, It. col., 44. 

Madison, corporal, 163. 

Magee, ensign, 175. 

Manchester pass, 278; retreat to, 

24. 
Marquizee, engineer, 162, 
Marvin, James M., 440, 441. 
Mattoon, gen. Ebenezer, 62, 368 ; 
his letter to Schuyler describing 
the battle, 369; birth place, 
380. 
McClenner, lieut., 175. 
McCrea, Jane, 29, 227, 302, 338. 
McCreedy, Mr.^ 441. 
McDale, his feat, 244. 
McDonald, Johnstown tory, 144 ; 

killed, 184. 
McLane, 372. 
McNiel, wounded, 258. 
Mellon, It. col., 167, 200. 
Messessaugues, 155. 
Mill creek, depot of provisions at, 

^38, 
Miller, Adam, 176, 184. 
Mohawk river and falls, 345. 
Mohawks destroy Crown point, 12 ; 
inimical, 149 ; join the British, 
36; their sufferings, 192 ; pur- 
sued by Oneidas, 192. 



Index. 



457 



Money, captain, 69 j heads an Indian 
party, 26 ; testimony of, 402 j 
wounded, 63. 

Montcalm defeats Abercrombie, 14. 

Montgomery, capt., 27. 

Monument suggested, 133, 3275 as- 
sociation organized, 134; seal 

of, 135- 

Morgan, 61, 319, 386; attacks the 
whole British force, 46 ; his 
position, 321, 3235 his appear- 
ance, 119 jin action of 7th Oct., 
58 j posts riflemen, 370, 372 j 
surprised, 905 his corps brought 
on the battle, 3 92, 394. 

Morrison Norman, 304. 

Mosely, col., arrived, 376, 377. 

Mount Defiance, 14 ; cannon con- 
veyed to, 17 ; taken, 348. 

Mount Hope, 14; described, 15. 

Mount Independence, 435, 436. 

Mowery, Leroy, 440, 441. 

Murphy, Timothy, 62 ; shot Fraser, 
2495 his prowess, 250 5 anec- 
dote of, 250, 251. 

Muskets not common, 294. 

Neilson and Benson, scouts, 258 ; 
feat of, 240 ; his success against 
the tories, 228 ; killed and 
scalped, 230. 

Neilson's account of the battle field, 
695 of the action of Fort Anne, 
27 J Neilson's barn, attack on, 
56. 

New England aft>used, 320. 

New Hampshire regiment, feat of 
marching, 42. 

Niagara fort, fall of, 152. 

Nixon, gen., his position, 370 ; cap- 
tures a picket ahd bateaux, 90 ; 
ordered to attack, 91. 

Non combatants captured, 268, 

Ogden, Miss Caroline, 251. 
Oneida Indians, friendly, 149. 
Oneidas pursued Mohawks, 192. 
Onondaga country invaded, 152. 



Onondagas join the British, 192. 
Oriskany, 1745 creek, 175 269; 

battle ground, 177 ; defeat of 

provincials not confirmed, 186; 

number killed, 187. 
Oswegatchie, tories at, 140. 
Oswego, bass in Lake George, 409 ; 

occupied by armies, 152; St. 

Leger at, 150. 
Ottawas expected, n 5 their bravery, 

II. 
Otter creek, 279. 

Page, Elizabeth, Stark's wife, 

426." 
Palatine tories, 145. 
Palmer, Judge Beriah, 123. 
Palmer, lieut., 304 ; killed, 305, 

313- 

Paris, col., 176 ; murdered, 186. 

Parker, John M., 356. 

Parliamentary history, 124. 

Partridge, Dr. Oliver, 302. 

Patterson's brigade, 63, 90. 

Payn, Charles H., 440, 441. 

Peters's corps, 278, 281. 

Petersham, aid, 44, 276 5 adj't gen., 
96. 

Petrie, Dr., 196; lieut., killed, 189. 

Pettingill, Samuel, killed, 188. 

Phillips, maj. general, a distinguished 
artillery officer, 10,13 5 ascends 
Mt. Defiance, 17 ; at Fort 
Anne, 26 ; on the retreat, 87 ; 
retained in captivity, 1 1 3 5 his 
command, 276 5 his artillery, 
276; his position in the march, 
44 ; lieut., wounded and died, 
50. 

Place d'armes, 54. 

Point a la Cheveleure, 12. 

Poor, gen., in battle of the 7th Oct., 
58. 

Potato diggers captured, 55. 

Potts, Dr., 336. 

Powell, brig, gen., 347. 

Prisoners taken, 66. 

Proctor defeated, 35. 



458 



Index, 



Prospect hill cemetery, 443, 
Provisions secreted, 239. 
Pruyn, John V. L., 439, 440. 
Putnam, Israel, 340 j saves powder 

magazine, 341. 
Putnam's creek, 12, 13. 

guackenboss, Abraham D., 273. 
Quaker springs, 45. 
gueen Anne's vi^ar, 338. 

Rations of British cut down, 56. 

Rations of liquors, 56. 

Rattlesnake venomous, 411, 

Reconnoissance in force, 56. 

Redman, John, 66, 

Relics of the battle, 316. 

Remembrance, 205, 212. 

Richards, J. W , his narrative, 300. 

Riedesel, Madame, 43, 72 ; her ser- 
vices to the wounded, 94 ; re- 
treats to a cellar, 94 j engrav- 
ing of house and cellar, 95 ; 
divides her provisions with che 
starving, 965 her appearance in 
American camp, 119; meets 
Gen. Schuyler, 1205 her house 
attacked, 315 5 at Fort Edward, 
343 5 describes death of Era- 
ser, 745 admired, 825 her for- 
titude, 87. 

Riedesel, maj. gen., his experience, 
10 5 drilled his troops in Cana- 
da, 10 J encamped on Crown 
point, 12, 13 5 opposed to the 
expedition of Baum, 30 j at 
Dovogat, 42 5 his command, 
45 j saves the army from route, 
47 ; location of the hospital, 
52 ; leads van of British retreat, 
79; condemns the order to halt 
in retreat, 80 j offers to cover 
the retreat, 87 5 proposes retreat, 
98 5 retained by congress in 
captivity, 113 5 addresses his 
troops on the surrender, 115; 
saves German colors, 1165 his 
command, 276 ; 



Riedesel, his dragoons to be mounted, 
278; occupies Fort Miller, 342; 
buried bateaux in the fort, 
342 ; quartered at Fort Am- 
herst, 342 ; pronunciation of 
name, 370 ; his house, relic 
of, 377; his memoirs transla- 
ted, 5 3 portrait of, 81. 

Rochefaucauld-Liancourt, 381. 

Rockingham, 279. 

Rodman, Thomas P., 423. 

Roff, Johannis, 166 (see Roof). 

Rogers, Abraham Yates, residence 
of, 37. 

Rogers's house, 57. 

Roman Catholic Scotch tories, 144. 

Rome, Fort Stanwix, 197. 

Roof, col. John, 196, 197. 

Roof's village (Canajoharie,) 197. 

Royal Greens, 154. 

Royal George flag ship, 13. 

Sabbath day forbid, 302. 

Sabbath day point, fight at, 230 ; 
point why so named, 230. 

Sammons, Frederick, scout, 190. 

Sammons, lieut Jacob, 183, 188. 

Saratoga, battle of, 71 } trophies of, 
1 14 5 British army encamped 
at, 37, 412; monument asso- 
ciation, incorporated, 438 ; 
state appropriation, 439 ; officers 
of, 440. 

Scalp point, 12. 

Schoharie disaffection, 145 5 militia 
at Fort Edward^ 146. 

Schroon lake scouts, 258. 

Schuyler, gen., 159; at Fort Ed- 
ward, 24; at Fort Anne, 28; 
obstructs the roads, 29 3 sends 
relief to Gansevoort, 208 ; pre- 
judices against, 143 5 superseded, 
39, 128 5 his influence on the 
army, 129; effect of his super- 
seduie, 3175 fortitude of, 271 ; 
his courtesy to Mad. Riedesel, 
120 5 mansion in Albany, 124; 
entertains B.iitish officers, 1233 



Index. 



459 



Schuyler,value of his property destroy- 
ed, 123 J Hon Yost, his death, 
218} his brother discharged, 
218; Hon Yost, his ruse, 212, 
213, 214; deserts St. Leger, 
218 ; Philip, 441. 

Schuyler's evidence, 48. 

Schuyler, John, 381. 

Schuyler's house, its location, 38 ; 
burnt, 333 ; ruins of, 401 ; 
mansion rebuilt in 15 days, 88 j 
burning said to be accidental, 
88 J mills, 317. 

Schuylerville, British encamp at, 37 ; 
large gathering at, 442. 

Scout, A. Bryan, 354, 356. 

Seal of Monument Association, 135. 

Second engagement, where begun, 

71- 

Seeber, capt. Henry, 175, 176. 

Seeber, capt. Jacob, 180, 189. 

Seeber, lieut. Wm., 189. 

Seeley, Joseph, 262. 

Senecas at FortStanwix, 191 ; killed, 
192; 

Sergeant's wife, adventure of, 85, 
408. 

Settlers below Fort Edward, cha- 
racter of, 36. 

Seven years' war, 79, 

Sexagenary, 245. 

Seymour, Horatio, 134, 439, 440. 

Sheldon, Simon, 443. 

Shelly, sergt., 27. ^ 

Sherwood, captain, 278, 281. 

Shirley, gen., 152. 

Shoemaker, Mr., tory, 208. 

Shrimpton, capt., 20. 

Sickness in American army, 322. 

Silliman's travels, 346, 384. 

Singleton, lieut., captured, 195. 

Skeleton of British grenadier, 396, 
427. 

Skene, coL, 282 ; major, 29 ; mis- 
leads Baum, 32, 33 ; brilliant 
success of, 173; commanded 
at Bennington, 2865 road cut 
for, 28. 



Skenesborough, 11 ; British take, 
24; retreat to, 17; garrison, 
of, 437 ; Indians arrived at, 
360. 

Smith's house, 53, 72. 

Snakes of Diamond island, 410. 

Snell, Jacob, killed, 189. 

Sorel river, 15. 

Southerland, gen,, 80. 

Sparr, ensign attacked, 161. 

Specht, German brigadier, 1 1 ; at- 
tacked, 61 ; captured, 65 5 his 
regiment, remarkable, 42, 254. 

Spencer, Thomas, half breed, 140; 
his speech, 141, 149. 

Spike, Daniel, 357. 

Sprouts of the Mohawk, 39. 

Stafford, narrative of, 286. 

Stansbury, Peter, 328. 

Stark, anecdotes of, 232 ; brilliant 
success of, 1735 commanded at 
Bennington, 2865 cuts off 
Baum, 31 5 holds Fort Edward, 
92 ; presides at court martial, 
268, 357 ; Molly, 426. 

St. Clair in command at Ticonderoga, 
13 5 evacuates, 17, 18. 

Steese, Caty, wounded, 166. 

Stevens, col., 16. 

Stillwater, battle so called, 71. 

St. Leger, 129; to make a diversion 
on the Mohawk, 9 ; repulse of, 
128; expedition of described, 
1395 began his march upon 
Fort Schuyler, 151 j force of 
his army, 153 ; paper captured, 
1545 his letter to Bird, 157 j 
encouraged murders, 164; his 
arrival before Fort Schuyler, 
168 ; his rank, 168 j summons 
the fort, 169,1705 communi- 
cates with Burgoyne, 1725 ad- 
vance of, 173 j ambushes 
Herkimer, 177 ; his statement 
of the battle, 187 j his papers 
captured, 194; suggests capitu- 
lation, 200 J his humanity, 
201 j armistice proposed, 203 5 



460 



Index, 



St. Leger,renews summons, 204; ap- 
peals to Tryon county, 2055 par- 
don promised to his adherents, 
210J raises the siege, 21 15 sends 
for Hon Yost Schuyler, 214; 
commences his retreat, 217 ; 
plundered by his own Indians, 
217 ; retreated by the way of 
Oneida lake, 2175 report to 
Burgoyne, 217 ; capture of his 
escritoire and papers, 219; 
hastened back to Oswego and 
thence to Montreal, 2195 fell 
back on Oswego, 342 ; spy 
sent back to, 4165 advance of, 

173- 
St. Luc, chevalier, 11 j influence 

with Indians, 360, 362, 364, 

368. 
St. Luke's bridge, 298. 
Stockwell, lieut., 175, '271; leaves 

the fort, 206, 207. 
Stone, col. Wm. L., 63. 
Stone, Wm. L., 439, 440. 
Stoner, Nicholas, trapper, 67. 
Street, Alfred B., 134, 
Strover, George, 88, 268, 431. 
Strover, John, 356, 357. 
Sugar-loaf hill, 14, 165 road cut to, 

17- 

Surrender, treaty of proposed, 99 ; 
articles of, 102-107 ; conduct 
of troops in piling their arms, 
115 ; terms signed, 443 j view 
of field of, 400. 

Swart, Dirk, 271. 

Swartwout, capt., 178. 

Sword's house, 42, 43, 44, 45. 

Tarleton, his march, 42. 
Tayler house, 53, 72. 
Taylor, Capt., 348. 
Teasse, Mrs., her narrative, 309. 
Teff, A. C, 439. 
Ten Broeck, gen., 61. 
Terms of capitulation, iio; not 
complied with by congress, 112. 
Thames, victory of the, 35. 



Thanksgiving sermon on the sur- 
render, 129. 

Throckmorton, B.W., 441. 

Ticonderoga, 12, 13; attack on, 
54; evacuated, 17; garrison 
of, 276, 3465 to fall, 140; 
retreat from, 402 ; why aban- 
doned, 342. 

Timmerman, Jacob, 187. 

Tories captured and executed at 
Albany, 243 ; in Col. John- 
son's force, 140. 

Townshend, Dr., 69. 

Tory account of the Bennington 
affair, 291. 

Tracy, Mrs. John, 125. 

Treaty of surrender decided upon, 
99-107. 

Tree marking spot of Fraser's fall, 

Troops of Gates at time of treaty, 

110. 
Trophies of Saratoga, 114. 
Trumbull, Col. John, 16. 
Tryon county appealed to, 205 j 

alarm in, 1395 disaffection 

in, 142, 146. 
Twiss examines. Sugar-loaf hill, 16. 
Tyrrell, killed, 67. 

Uncle, Mohawks so called, 149. 
Union village, 235. 

Van Benschoten, capt., 175. 
Van Courtlandt, Pierre, 146. 
Vandenburgh's, E., 230. 
Van Rensselaer, Robert, 144. 
Van Rensselaer, col. Henry, 24, 25. 
Van Rensselaers, their influence in 

the war, 25. 
Van Schaick, col., 146. 
Van Schaick's island, 39 ; reason for 

fortifying, 39 ; bridge, 298. 
VanSluyck killed, iSo, 189. 
Van Vechten, Dirk, 231. 
Van Vechten's cove, 41. 
Varick, Richard, 124. 
Victory, village of, 442. 



Index. 



461 



Virginia riflemen, valor of, 403. 
Visscher, regiment of, 174, 178, 
179 ; the killed in, 188. 

Wagons and carriages to be cap- 
tured, 280. 

Wallace, lieut. William, 67. 

Walloomsac river, 299. 

Walradt, Henry, 189. 

Walter, George, 176. 

Walworth, Mrs. Ellen Hardin, 135, 
441. 

Warner, col. Seth in command of 
rear guard, 195 characterized, 
20; at Fort Edward, 236; 
wounded, 236; expected to 
retreat, 284 ; calls out militia, 
286. 

Watts, captain, 154. 

Watts, maj., 177, i8aj wounded, 
189, 190. 

Wayne, 16. 

Welch, Alonzo, reburies British 
remains, 38. 

Wesson's regiment, 146. 

West-Chester cow boys, 213. 

West Troy, laid out, 441. 

Weston, col., 208. 

Wheat field foraged upon, 57. 

White, judge, 269. 

Whitehall, retreat to, 17. 

Whitehall turnpike, 356, 

Whitestown, 174. 



Wilbur's basin, 43, 72, 77. 

Wilcox, William, 438. 

Wilkinson, 59, 85, 91, 128, 130 ; 
reconnoitres British position, 
57 ; corrected, 399, 370 ; de- 
scribes Mt. Hope, 15; on 
Arnold, 68 5 his memoirs, 20. 

Willard's mountain, 77, 376. 

Willett, col. Marinus, 159, 175, 
200 5 declines to surrender, 
202; popular, 206; leaves the 
fort, 206 J his sortie, 193; 
judge advocate, 209 ; sword 
voted to, 195 5 adventure, 271. 

Williams, col. Otho, his march, 42. 

Williams, major, 44, 63. 

Willsborough, Burgoyne at, li. 

Wolves, cry of on battle field, 55. 

Women in the army, 248 ; strip 
the dead, 66, 248. 

Wood creek, 155; obstructed, 29, 
156, 340; American flotilla 
overtaken at, 23. 

Woodruff, Samuel, his narrative, 
63, 186, 192, 314, 327 J re- 
moves Arnold, 68. 

Wyandot Panther, 306, 309. 

Yankee Doodle adopted as a national 

hymn, 379. 
Yorktown, surrender of, 133. 
Younglove, Dr. Moses, 186, 189. 


















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